Part II of presentation at the Shengo Forum, Washington, DC,
November 30, 2014
Aklog Birara (DR)
For members and supporters of the TPLF/EPRDF within and outside Ethiopia, and
equally for the donor and diplomatic community that continues to shore-up one
of the most repressive and oppressive governments on the planet, the last two
weeks must have sent shivers. UNCTAD disclosed that Ethiopia’s famed growth
that I had disputed in terms of social efficacy, has not changed the fundamentals
impediments that would lift millions from abject poverty and destitution. The vast
majority of Ethiopians including the hardworking middle class are poor and
getting poorer; and the poorest of the poor are trapped in a cycle of destitution.
This condition emanated directly from poor and exclusionary governance and a
regulatory framework that is not pro-poor and pro-Ethiopian. The condition of
food insecurity and dependency on food aid says it all. Experts tell us that Ethiopia
is the first country in Africa that pioneered settled agriculture and food
production. In ancient times, this was considered a technological breakthrough.
There is no innovation, change and technological advancement without food. But
this noble tradition has been stalled by lack of empowering policies and
technological inputs that would boost smallholder food and other related
productivity. Unlike countries such as India where the government and the donor
community revolutionized agriculture, the Ethiopian government controls the
peasantry and owns the land. Smallholders and farmlands are hostages to single
party and ethnic elite monopoly.
The past two weeks after our forum on human rights on November 30, 2014
showed four events that suggest the urgent needs for radical political, social and
economic reforms and the vital role of solidarity in Ethiopia. The only way that
these reforms in politics, social systems and economics can occur is if millions of
Ethiopians rise up in unison and claim their rights. It critical to note, despite
enormous hurdles, opposition leaders, members and supporters are showing
fierce and genuine determination to bring the TPLF/EPRDF to the conference 2
table. Recurring protests are most likely to make the country ungovernable.
They must occur without let up and peacefully. Those of us who live in the
Diaspora and wish for a better alternative must welcome this determination and
persistence. Those in the forefront of the peaceful struggle for justice, the rule of
law, genuine equality and representative governance must be admires. They are
today’s agents of change. The Diaspora must support them in earnest. We have a
responsibility to do our part by approaching and urging the donor and diplomatic
community to reconsider its stand. We must persuade these groups and more
important skeptical Ethiopians the struggle for good governance is theirs too. The
pains must be shared by all stakeholders.
Reality on the ground shows the ruling party is as determined to hold on to power
through suppression as it has ever been; may be worse. The current condition of
life under the Surveillance State is unsustainable and unbearable. Back to
emerging trends.
First is the continued assault on the political opposition whose “crime” is the use
of Constitutional rights to protest peacefully. The Anti-Terrorism and CSO laws are
used to suppress dissent rather than to make the society safe against extremist
forces. Most Ethiopians reject extremism. During the latest peaceful protest,
more than 200 people were chased and many of them beaten, maimed, arrested
and jailed in a single sweep, many are still in jail. The whereabouts of numerous
people is unknown. Most of those arrested and jailed are young people including
females. This in itself makes a mockery of the 2015 election and reconfirms the
illegitimacy of the current governing party. At the same time, it is heartening to
see courage and determination in the midst of repression. The level of peaceful
resistance is deeper and more recurrent than it has been for some time.
However, what we can conclude is that the TPLF has perfected, formalized and
institutionalized its vision and programs to stay in power perpetually using the
state and Ethiopia’s national resources freely and liberally and deploying any
means necessary, especially instruments and tools of repression and oppression
at a scope unprecedented in Ethiopia’s long history. Equally important is the
rise of a young generation of activists and leaders who are defying the odds and
expanding the struggle for change. I commend these Ethiopians. Change is 3
possible if more and more young people participate. After all, the future belongs
to them.
Sadly, the donor and diplomatic community is in collusion with the repressive and
oppressive state. Its interests override human rights and the rule of law. If this
community has a moral compass that guides it, it no longer has an ounce of
excuse left but to show a determination by saying “enough to oppression and
repression” and by siding with the millions whose voices are literally shut.
Donors must stop pretending that Ethiopian society is better because they
provide aid and perpetuate dependency. Unlike the World Bank and the IMF,
UNCTAD was bold enough to inform the world that the Ethiopian
developmental state has failed; and with it foreign aid. This leads me to the
second unexpected development on which we have written with no one listening.
Intellectual legitimacy and acceptability are still bestowed on foreign experts and
institutions rather than Ethiopian and Africa n stakeholders. The best example of
this is the second scramble for African natural resources and markets without
Africans playing a part.
Second, UNCTAD identified Ethiopia among 48 nations around the globe whose
growth shows policy and structural deficits that can’t be cured without radical
reforms. Income inequality is among the sharpest and most noticeable in the
world. Per capita income is less than $500 per year, a third of the African average.
Ethiopian youth continue to leave the country in droves, many dying from sea
unworthy vessels and human trafficking. Ethiopia is still food aid dependent. For
the first time in 24 years, the TPLF admitted its failures in mismanaging the
country’s natural resources, aid, remittances and the economy. Ethiopia is debtridden.
This admission has not prompted the TPLF core to allow political space
and competition that would offer Ethiopians policy options. The situation for
political and social reform is as bleak as it has ever been. This is the reason why I
argue that the ruling party must be persuaded to negotiate shared political power
that would lead to free and fair elections. Ethiopia’s very existence depends on
political wisdom and maturity on everyone’s part.
Accordingly, the donor and diplomatic community has a strong ammunition and
incentive to demand good governance and an empowering regulatory framework
that will enable Ethiopians to own assets, succeed, produce and become self-4
reliant. It is in its own self-interest in the long-run. Donors and the diplomatic
community should know this. For all practical purposes, development,
humanitarian and security aid has failed to free Ethiopian society and lift millions
from abject poverty and destitution. As Korea, China and others have shown, aid
is effective when used by caring and nationalist governments and not by elites
that use political power to enrich themselves. Ethnic elites have become
millionaires at the cost of millions they claim to represent. As I have argued using
measurements and data in the past, the Ethiopian developmental state is a rent
seeking state. It cares least for those who are poor and are marginalized. It will
continue to inflict pain on millions because it is committed to self-perpetuation at
the cost of human freedom and rights. When elites become wealthy by
controlling state power, the tendency is to maintain the status quo regardless of
social and economic pains for millions. They are afraid of change and reform. This
is why they sink into a militarized or garrison mentality. Foreign corporations are
making profits and operate in collusion with Ethiopian beneficiaries. They will
continue to justify the Surveillance state as long as they make profits.
In light of this mutuality of benefits, those who desire change should not
underestimate the fact that the TPLF core has created allies and supporters that
have also made it in the new system and gained millions at the cost of millions of
Ethiopians. Many in the Diaspora have been enticed by temporary gains in the
forms of building apartments, villas, buildings and other assets. There is no
assurance that these assets would remain safe it the country falls apart and if the
unthinkable of genocide takes place. In any case, it is hard for many foreign and
domestic observers to accept the notion those in the Diaspora are making it
harder for those in the country to compete in leasing lands and building homes.
They simply do not have the income and political clout to compete in their home
country.
Third, Human Rights Watch and the Oakland Institute released studies and videos
that show massive dispossession, dislocation and disempowerment of hundreds
of thousands of Ethiopians in Gambella, the Omo Valley and other locations.
Donors, including the World Bank are part of the problem; they finance so called
new forms of villagization schemes. Remember, donors including the World Bank
are part of global capital and serve the interests of their shareholders first.
Nevertheless, we should remind them persistently and boldly that dispossession 5
and dislocation is a recipe for instability and civil conflict. In the event of civil
conflict and Balkanization of Ethiopia, investors would lose too. The smartest
thing to do is to avert this by insisting on shared political power that would lead
to free and fair elections and the establishment of a representative government.
I should like to persuade the reader that Ethiopia no longer belongs to Ethiopians.
Ownership of natural resources and real capital is being transferred from citizens
to foreigners and the few elites who collude with them. In effect, natural in the
form of lands and waters, and real assets in the form of manufacturing plants,
minerals and others now belong to a narrow band of ethnic elites, foreign
investors, donors and Western governments, emerging economies such as China
and India and Arab states. The United States is a key player in all of this because it
supports the security, intelligence and defense infrastructure. See my earlier
commentary on President Obama.
In brief, these occurrences and others are a recipe for future disasters including
the dismemberment of Ethiopia and the potential for ethnic-based genocide. I
should like to flag two convergent developments that make the current
condition unique in Ethiopia’s long history. The major factor is foreign
influence. It has become pervasive and rooted since the TPLF/EPRDF took power
in 19991.
Whether we accept or not, Ethiopians face two major hurdles: one from the
single party state that is determined to stay in power at any cost; and second,
from the global community, especially donors, investors and governments that
have a vested interest in prolonging and supporting the status quo. This collusion
in interests makes the struggle for justice, the rule of law and democratization
much more difficult than we realize. Unless---as I have suggested repeatedly---we
overcome minor differences to serve the greater common good and create
solidarity now and not tomorrow, Ethiopian society will remain largely poor and
the country largely backward for decades. At the same time, I am convinced that
this took can be reversed. It takes courage, sacrifice, solidarity and a unity of
purpose among Ethiopians to reverse it.
Fourth, the TPLF signed a security agreement with its coveted friend and ally,
North Sudan and the repressive regime that has massacred millions of “Black
Africans.” Why this agreement at this time? 6
The only plausible answer is to ensure that Ethiopian opposition groups do not
have a safe access to overthrow the TPLF. Ethiopians are fully cognizant that the
TPLF ceded vast tracts of fertile lands, water resources, potential minerals and
other resources to the Sudanese government. This transfer was done at an
enormous cost to the Ethiopian people, especially to the hundreds of thousands
of Ethiopians whose ancestors had defended the ceded lands for hundreds of
years. The security agreement won’t avert future conflicts for which the TPLF is
accountable. In this regard, I should like to record the phenomenal work the
Ethiopian Borders Affairs Committee has carried out over the past 8 years. It is
among the few Ethiopian-Diaspora organizations that has remained intact and
exposed the illegitimacy of land transfers to the Bashir’s Government.
Hopeful indicators
Despite recurrent onslaught on dissent, and especially on the political opposition,
Ethiopia continues to produce a new generation of courageous and bold
nationally oriented political parties and individuals. The recent surge in peaceful
protests is indicative of an unstoppable wave of popular resentment and
defiance of the Surveillance State. Those of us in the so-called Diaspora who wish
to contribute to this surge are obliged to support the opposition consistently and
deliberately. The opposition is doing the right thing by defying the repressive
government and state regardless of the costs involved. Its demand the
TPLF/EPRDF respect its own Constitution and international law is unassailable. My
argument in this speech is along the same line.
The choice is more repression and agony that will lead to further polarization
and instability. Or flexibility on the part of the TPLF to agree on the formation of
an all-inclusive Transitional Government that will lead to genuine free and fair
election and the formation of a representative form of government. The TPLF
won’t budge unless the opposition persists and unless those of use in the
Diaspora unity our efforts. For negotiation to occur, the TPLF and the donor and
diplomatic community need to be persuaded that the country will remain
ungovernable. Ethiopia’s youth have no other choice but to make their voices
heard by siding with the opposition, especially with those that are committed to
peaceful and sustainable change. Ethiopia’s deserve their own form of “Arab
Spring” or better yet, another Yekatit. No one will do it for us. 7
The TPLF/EPRDF has no respect for human rights laws or human dignity
I accept the notion that the world today is characterized more by the rule of law
and by representative governments than by dictatorships that manifest the rule
of the mighty and their swords. In this regard, history is on the side of the
opposition and not with the governing party. Article 2 of the UN Universal
Declaration of Human Rights fits in the former category. Regardless of
repression, people who are not free from dictatorship will normalize and
institutionalize these rights through persistent struggle for change.
“Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration,
without distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language, religion,
political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.
Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political,
jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person
belongs…” Accordingly, Ethiopians have the right to protest and advocate for the
form of government that would serve them better. Many are showing their
determination by sacrificing their lives and the wellbeing of their families.
Equally, sustainable and equitable development is a human right in the same way
as freedom of expression, movement, association and assembly. HR Watch put it
right. “Sustainable and equitable development is possible only where human
rights of all individuals, particularly young women and girls are respected,
protected, promoted and fulfilled.” Impacts in growth should not measure just
villas, hotels, eating places, roads, bridges and the wealth of a few millionaires
whose fortunes are directly associated with the rent-seeking elite. Inclusive
growth must measure wellbeing. This can’t happen without independent
institutions and a robust and competitive private sector governed by the rule of
law. I have always felt strongly and argued that rule of law based institutions
determine good governance, justice, genuine equality among people, equitable
distribution of wealth and incomes, long term peace and stability in any country.
Ethiopia is no exception.
Institutional mechanism
The world accepted the Universal Declaration as guide for states to respect and
apply; and established an institutional mechanism to do it. It is called the UN
Human Rights Council. In 2007, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon put it this way: 8
“All victims of human rights abuses should be able to look to the Human Rights
Council as a forum and a springboard for action.” In November 2014, he also
related economic and social justice to human rights as follows:
“We have a vision of a just world where resources are optimized for the good of
the people. Inclusive and sustainable development can derive success.” UNCTAD
confirmed that inclusive development is not taking roots in Ethiopia. Inequality is.
These statements from the UN Secretary General are wonderful if they would be
translated into action. I am afraid that the world talks and releases statements
more than actions that bite and change an entrenched and self-serving system.
Ethiopians should know this better than most. During the Second World War, the
League of Nations condemned fascist aggression but did nothing to prevent
Mussolini and his gang from pulverizing Ethiopian towns, cities, churches and
other national institutions and from massacring a generation of Ethiopia’s most
educated and modernizing elites. It took Ethiopia decades to recover from the
carnage. While it will be farfetched to compare the current situation with this
historical fact, the trend in the country shows a dire political and social condition
driven by an Apartheid like government that excludes and plunders. The vast
majority of Ethiopians do not own a piece of their country’s natural resources and
other wealth. Dispossession is real and will have a multigenerational impact.
With regard to the donor and diplomatic community; what matters is not their
statements but deeds on the ground. Building bridges and other infrastructure is
now used as a default line to defend the Ethiopian government. “It is growing the
economy at a fast rate,” they say. What about inclusion? What about fair
distribution of income? I do not deny that roads and other infrastructure have
been built. They are important. But what about improvements in the lives of the
vast majority of the population? What about jobs? What about food security?
What about ownership of real property? What about freedom and rights? What
about participation in policy and decision making? What about accountable
governance? What about bribery? Cronyism? Corruption and massive illicit
outflow? What about the plight of indigenous people? What about ethnic
cleansing?
My argument here is that there won’t be peace, stability, sustainable and
equitable development without rights. Don’t you think so
November 30, 2014
Aklog Birara (DR)
For members and supporters of the TPLF/EPRDF within and outside Ethiopia, and
equally for the donor and diplomatic community that continues to shore-up one
of the most repressive and oppressive governments on the planet, the last two
weeks must have sent shivers. UNCTAD disclosed that Ethiopia’s famed growth
that I had disputed in terms of social efficacy, has not changed the fundamentals
impediments that would lift millions from abject poverty and destitution. The vast
majority of Ethiopians including the hardworking middle class are poor and
getting poorer; and the poorest of the poor are trapped in a cycle of destitution.
This condition emanated directly from poor and exclusionary governance and a
regulatory framework that is not pro-poor and pro-Ethiopian. The condition of
food insecurity and dependency on food aid says it all. Experts tell us that Ethiopia
is the first country in Africa that pioneered settled agriculture and food
production. In ancient times, this was considered a technological breakthrough.
There is no innovation, change and technological advancement without food. But
this noble tradition has been stalled by lack of empowering policies and
technological inputs that would boost smallholder food and other related
productivity. Unlike countries such as India where the government and the donor
community revolutionized agriculture, the Ethiopian government controls the
peasantry and owns the land. Smallholders and farmlands are hostages to single
party and ethnic elite monopoly.
The past two weeks after our forum on human rights on November 30, 2014
showed four events that suggest the urgent needs for radical political, social and
economic reforms and the vital role of solidarity in Ethiopia. The only way that
these reforms in politics, social systems and economics can occur is if millions of
Ethiopians rise up in unison and claim their rights. It critical to note, despite
enormous hurdles, opposition leaders, members and supporters are showing
fierce and genuine determination to bring the TPLF/EPRDF to the conference 2
table. Recurring protests are most likely to make the country ungovernable.
They must occur without let up and peacefully. Those of us who live in the
Diaspora and wish for a better alternative must welcome this determination and
persistence. Those in the forefront of the peaceful struggle for justice, the rule of
law, genuine equality and representative governance must be admires. They are
today’s agents of change. The Diaspora must support them in earnest. We have a
responsibility to do our part by approaching and urging the donor and diplomatic
community to reconsider its stand. We must persuade these groups and more
important skeptical Ethiopians the struggle for good governance is theirs too. The
pains must be shared by all stakeholders.
Reality on the ground shows the ruling party is as determined to hold on to power
through suppression as it has ever been; may be worse. The current condition of
life under the Surveillance State is unsustainable and unbearable. Back to
emerging trends.
First is the continued assault on the political opposition whose “crime” is the use
of Constitutional rights to protest peacefully. The Anti-Terrorism and CSO laws are
used to suppress dissent rather than to make the society safe against extremist
forces. Most Ethiopians reject extremism. During the latest peaceful protest,
more than 200 people were chased and many of them beaten, maimed, arrested
and jailed in a single sweep, many are still in jail. The whereabouts of numerous
people is unknown. Most of those arrested and jailed are young people including
females. This in itself makes a mockery of the 2015 election and reconfirms the
illegitimacy of the current governing party. At the same time, it is heartening to
see courage and determination in the midst of repression. The level of peaceful
resistance is deeper and more recurrent than it has been for some time.
However, what we can conclude is that the TPLF has perfected, formalized and
institutionalized its vision and programs to stay in power perpetually using the
state and Ethiopia’s national resources freely and liberally and deploying any
means necessary, especially instruments and tools of repression and oppression
at a scope unprecedented in Ethiopia’s long history. Equally important is the
rise of a young generation of activists and leaders who are defying the odds and
expanding the struggle for change. I commend these Ethiopians. Change is 3
possible if more and more young people participate. After all, the future belongs
to them.
Sadly, the donor and diplomatic community is in collusion with the repressive and
oppressive state. Its interests override human rights and the rule of law. If this
community has a moral compass that guides it, it no longer has an ounce of
excuse left but to show a determination by saying “enough to oppression and
repression” and by siding with the millions whose voices are literally shut.
Donors must stop pretending that Ethiopian society is better because they
provide aid and perpetuate dependency. Unlike the World Bank and the IMF,
UNCTAD was bold enough to inform the world that the Ethiopian
developmental state has failed; and with it foreign aid. This leads me to the
second unexpected development on which we have written with no one listening.
Intellectual legitimacy and acceptability are still bestowed on foreign experts and
institutions rather than Ethiopian and Africa n stakeholders. The best example of
this is the second scramble for African natural resources and markets without
Africans playing a part.
Second, UNCTAD identified Ethiopia among 48 nations around the globe whose
growth shows policy and structural deficits that can’t be cured without radical
reforms. Income inequality is among the sharpest and most noticeable in the
world. Per capita income is less than $500 per year, a third of the African average.
Ethiopian youth continue to leave the country in droves, many dying from sea
unworthy vessels and human trafficking. Ethiopia is still food aid dependent. For
the first time in 24 years, the TPLF admitted its failures in mismanaging the
country’s natural resources, aid, remittances and the economy. Ethiopia is debtridden.
This admission has not prompted the TPLF core to allow political space
and competition that would offer Ethiopians policy options. The situation for
political and social reform is as bleak as it has ever been. This is the reason why I
argue that the ruling party must be persuaded to negotiate shared political power
that would lead to free and fair elections. Ethiopia’s very existence depends on
political wisdom and maturity on everyone’s part.
Accordingly, the donor and diplomatic community has a strong ammunition and
incentive to demand good governance and an empowering regulatory framework
that will enable Ethiopians to own assets, succeed, produce and become self-4
reliant. It is in its own self-interest in the long-run. Donors and the diplomatic
community should know this. For all practical purposes, development,
humanitarian and security aid has failed to free Ethiopian society and lift millions
from abject poverty and destitution. As Korea, China and others have shown, aid
is effective when used by caring and nationalist governments and not by elites
that use political power to enrich themselves. Ethnic elites have become
millionaires at the cost of millions they claim to represent. As I have argued using
measurements and data in the past, the Ethiopian developmental state is a rent
seeking state. It cares least for those who are poor and are marginalized. It will
continue to inflict pain on millions because it is committed to self-perpetuation at
the cost of human freedom and rights. When elites become wealthy by
controlling state power, the tendency is to maintain the status quo regardless of
social and economic pains for millions. They are afraid of change and reform. This
is why they sink into a militarized or garrison mentality. Foreign corporations are
making profits and operate in collusion with Ethiopian beneficiaries. They will
continue to justify the Surveillance state as long as they make profits.
In light of this mutuality of benefits, those who desire change should not
underestimate the fact that the TPLF core has created allies and supporters that
have also made it in the new system and gained millions at the cost of millions of
Ethiopians. Many in the Diaspora have been enticed by temporary gains in the
forms of building apartments, villas, buildings and other assets. There is no
assurance that these assets would remain safe it the country falls apart and if the
unthinkable of genocide takes place. In any case, it is hard for many foreign and
domestic observers to accept the notion those in the Diaspora are making it
harder for those in the country to compete in leasing lands and building homes.
They simply do not have the income and political clout to compete in their home
country.
Third, Human Rights Watch and the Oakland Institute released studies and videos
that show massive dispossession, dislocation and disempowerment of hundreds
of thousands of Ethiopians in Gambella, the Omo Valley and other locations.
Donors, including the World Bank are part of the problem; they finance so called
new forms of villagization schemes. Remember, donors including the World Bank
are part of global capital and serve the interests of their shareholders first.
Nevertheless, we should remind them persistently and boldly that dispossession 5
and dislocation is a recipe for instability and civil conflict. In the event of civil
conflict and Balkanization of Ethiopia, investors would lose too. The smartest
thing to do is to avert this by insisting on shared political power that would lead
to free and fair elections and the establishment of a representative government.
I should like to persuade the reader that Ethiopia no longer belongs to Ethiopians.
Ownership of natural resources and real capital is being transferred from citizens
to foreigners and the few elites who collude with them. In effect, natural in the
form of lands and waters, and real assets in the form of manufacturing plants,
minerals and others now belong to a narrow band of ethnic elites, foreign
investors, donors and Western governments, emerging economies such as China
and India and Arab states. The United States is a key player in all of this because it
supports the security, intelligence and defense infrastructure. See my earlier
commentary on President Obama.
In brief, these occurrences and others are a recipe for future disasters including
the dismemberment of Ethiopia and the potential for ethnic-based genocide. I
should like to flag two convergent developments that make the current
condition unique in Ethiopia’s long history. The major factor is foreign
influence. It has become pervasive and rooted since the TPLF/EPRDF took power
in 19991.
Whether we accept or not, Ethiopians face two major hurdles: one from the
single party state that is determined to stay in power at any cost; and second,
from the global community, especially donors, investors and governments that
have a vested interest in prolonging and supporting the status quo. This collusion
in interests makes the struggle for justice, the rule of law and democratization
much more difficult than we realize. Unless---as I have suggested repeatedly---we
overcome minor differences to serve the greater common good and create
solidarity now and not tomorrow, Ethiopian society will remain largely poor and
the country largely backward for decades. At the same time, I am convinced that
this took can be reversed. It takes courage, sacrifice, solidarity and a unity of
purpose among Ethiopians to reverse it.
Fourth, the TPLF signed a security agreement with its coveted friend and ally,
North Sudan and the repressive regime that has massacred millions of “Black
Africans.” Why this agreement at this time? 6
The only plausible answer is to ensure that Ethiopian opposition groups do not
have a safe access to overthrow the TPLF. Ethiopians are fully cognizant that the
TPLF ceded vast tracts of fertile lands, water resources, potential minerals and
other resources to the Sudanese government. This transfer was done at an
enormous cost to the Ethiopian people, especially to the hundreds of thousands
of Ethiopians whose ancestors had defended the ceded lands for hundreds of
years. The security agreement won’t avert future conflicts for which the TPLF is
accountable. In this regard, I should like to record the phenomenal work the
Ethiopian Borders Affairs Committee has carried out over the past 8 years. It is
among the few Ethiopian-Diaspora organizations that has remained intact and
exposed the illegitimacy of land transfers to the Bashir’s Government.
Hopeful indicators
Despite recurrent onslaught on dissent, and especially on the political opposition,
Ethiopia continues to produce a new generation of courageous and bold
nationally oriented political parties and individuals. The recent surge in peaceful
protests is indicative of an unstoppable wave of popular resentment and
defiance of the Surveillance State. Those of us in the so-called Diaspora who wish
to contribute to this surge are obliged to support the opposition consistently and
deliberately. The opposition is doing the right thing by defying the repressive
government and state regardless of the costs involved. Its demand the
TPLF/EPRDF respect its own Constitution and international law is unassailable. My
argument in this speech is along the same line.
The choice is more repression and agony that will lead to further polarization
and instability. Or flexibility on the part of the TPLF to agree on the formation of
an all-inclusive Transitional Government that will lead to genuine free and fair
election and the formation of a representative form of government. The TPLF
won’t budge unless the opposition persists and unless those of use in the
Diaspora unity our efforts. For negotiation to occur, the TPLF and the donor and
diplomatic community need to be persuaded that the country will remain
ungovernable. Ethiopia’s youth have no other choice but to make their voices
heard by siding with the opposition, especially with those that are committed to
peaceful and sustainable change. Ethiopia’s deserve their own form of “Arab
Spring” or better yet, another Yekatit. No one will do it for us. 7
The TPLF/EPRDF has no respect for human rights laws or human dignity
I accept the notion that the world today is characterized more by the rule of law
and by representative governments than by dictatorships that manifest the rule
of the mighty and their swords. In this regard, history is on the side of the
opposition and not with the governing party. Article 2 of the UN Universal
Declaration of Human Rights fits in the former category. Regardless of
repression, people who are not free from dictatorship will normalize and
institutionalize these rights through persistent struggle for change.
“Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration,
without distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language, religion,
political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.
Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political,
jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person
belongs…” Accordingly, Ethiopians have the right to protest and advocate for the
form of government that would serve them better. Many are showing their
determination by sacrificing their lives and the wellbeing of their families.
Equally, sustainable and equitable development is a human right in the same way
as freedom of expression, movement, association and assembly. HR Watch put it
right. “Sustainable and equitable development is possible only where human
rights of all individuals, particularly young women and girls are respected,
protected, promoted and fulfilled.” Impacts in growth should not measure just
villas, hotels, eating places, roads, bridges and the wealth of a few millionaires
whose fortunes are directly associated with the rent-seeking elite. Inclusive
growth must measure wellbeing. This can’t happen without independent
institutions and a robust and competitive private sector governed by the rule of
law. I have always felt strongly and argued that rule of law based institutions
determine good governance, justice, genuine equality among people, equitable
distribution of wealth and incomes, long term peace and stability in any country.
Ethiopia is no exception.
Institutional mechanism
The world accepted the Universal Declaration as guide for states to respect and
apply; and established an institutional mechanism to do it. It is called the UN
Human Rights Council. In 2007, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon put it this way: 8
“All victims of human rights abuses should be able to look to the Human Rights
Council as a forum and a springboard for action.” In November 2014, he also
related economic and social justice to human rights as follows:
“We have a vision of a just world where resources are optimized for the good of
the people. Inclusive and sustainable development can derive success.” UNCTAD
confirmed that inclusive development is not taking roots in Ethiopia. Inequality is.
These statements from the UN Secretary General are wonderful if they would be
translated into action. I am afraid that the world talks and releases statements
more than actions that bite and change an entrenched and self-serving system.
Ethiopians should know this better than most. During the Second World War, the
League of Nations condemned fascist aggression but did nothing to prevent
Mussolini and his gang from pulverizing Ethiopian towns, cities, churches and
other national institutions and from massacring a generation of Ethiopia’s most
educated and modernizing elites. It took Ethiopia decades to recover from the
carnage. While it will be farfetched to compare the current situation with this
historical fact, the trend in the country shows a dire political and social condition
driven by an Apartheid like government that excludes and plunders. The vast
majority of Ethiopians do not own a piece of their country’s natural resources and
other wealth. Dispossession is real and will have a multigenerational impact.
With regard to the donor and diplomatic community; what matters is not their
statements but deeds on the ground. Building bridges and other infrastructure is
now used as a default line to defend the Ethiopian government. “It is growing the
economy at a fast rate,” they say. What about inclusion? What about fair
distribution of income? I do not deny that roads and other infrastructure have
been built. They are important. But what about improvements in the lives of the
vast majority of the population? What about jobs? What about food security?
What about ownership of real property? What about freedom and rights? What
about participation in policy and decision making? What about accountable
governance? What about bribery? Cronyism? Corruption and massive illicit
outflow? What about the plight of indigenous people? What about ethnic
cleansing?
My argument here is that there won’t be peace, stability, sustainable and
equitable development without rights. Don’t you think so
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