Friday 1 August 2014

Where is Amhara’s country?

I have used the real identity and names of people which might create some problems since
some of those people are well known by the government and the community. Even if I used
different names (i.e. changed names) these people will still be known so I have found it
important and useful to use their legal names, even though this is my report. A lot of the
evidence has been taken from me, which was in my notepad when I was arrested, I have
managed to photocopy so even if I changed names or not the document shows clearly that it
was written by me.
Traveling through protected areas and different places I gathered a lot of evidence which was
taken from me when I was arrested. This report is compiled from using my notes and from my
personal recollection
Introduction
On May 22, 2013 I purposefully posed as an Amharic language speaker to travel to
Benishangul Gumuz (region in Ethiopia) and find out about the displaced refugees from that
area. My objective was to travel through Benishangul Gumuz area which is located between
two zones (Kemash and Metekle) and continue my way through the different districts (Bulen,
Bardo, Wenbera, Gilgel Beles) to find out the truth. I decided to travel to Metekle zone
specifically to the town of Chagni. In all these areas there have been forced evictions
problems which needs to be investigated, but I needed to prioritize and pick a region with the
most cases. Since I didn’t know anyone in the town of Chagni, I decided to travel to another
town with any available transportation. I found a crowded bus travelling to the town of
Wenbera. One of the passengers informed me that most of the people were returning to try to
salvage whatever possessions were left for them to sell and relocate somewhere else to try to
build a stable life.
I, then, decided to start my investigation here and for the next two days I observed many of
the farmers frantically looking for any transportation. It was sad to watch the car owners
engaged in excessive price gouging and taking advantage of the poor victims.
Once we arrived in Chagni I decided to talk to the refugee day laborers and collect
information based on the tips that was given to me by the locals that morning. I stopped for
coffee by the Ethiopia Hotel to talk to a group of displaced farmers who have now become
day laborers to support themselves. After I finished talking to the group I stopped by a shop to
purchase a pre-paid mobile card. The owner was an older muslim gentleman. He noticed that I
was not a local and decided to talk to me. The older man asked, “young man did you come
from Addis Ababa?” He did not wait for my response when he continued to say that “your
country” is better than here. I then asked the man “what’s the problem here?” Eight of our
brothers were taken from the bazaar and jailed. I suggested maybe those that were arrested
had broken the law.
He replied that they were the ones who worked around the clock to make the bazaar look
good. I said, “what was the problem then?” Their crime was refusing to accept the last
“political election” (Islamic Council Election). He said, “life in this country is becoming
impossible.” The man continued to explain that his Mosque had collected $175,000 Birr from the community as contribution for the construction of the Nile River Dam. The government
falsely accused them of receiving the money from Al-Qaeda. The exasperated man said, “we
don’t know what to do for this government to let us live in peace.” Another man joined us and
wanted to know who I was. Once I told them I was a journalist we continued with the
conversation. As I was saying goodbye to leave they said that if I stayed for a week I would
observe a lot of problems. The shop owner also warned me that if I mentioned his name and
something bad happened to him he will put a curse on me. I was very intrigued and disturbed
by my conversation with those two men.
Map: In Metekel and Kamashi zones there are cases of Amhara refugee cases the severity
being in the Metkel Bulen district and in Kamashi zone Yaso district.
May 23rd, 2013
The story of two people
I met these two couple in the town of Chagni town, a 65 year old man known as Father
Yeshiwas Tinsaye who works as a day laborer with the Chinese helping mix sand and cement
for a small amount of fee and his wife who sells Areke and Tella (alcoholic beverages) to
locals. These elderly couple got married in their home town Benishangul Gumuz region of
Metkel zone in the Bardo district but since then they have become refugees and have started a
new life in the town of Chagni where they both work whatever job is found to make some
money to take care of their children’s. These elderly couple close to retirement have lost all their wealth and are now struggling to find any type of work. When they are telling me this
information the man also told me that he will lose his days income for the time he’s wasting
with me.
In January 2013 Father Yeshiwas decided to submit an application to the Amhara office
regarding their case of how they came to this town because they were being accused of the
person in charge of organizing the Amhara people in their home town and if they returned
they will be killed so they decided to stay for their safety. All the wealth they developed over
the years were left behind. Since Father Yeshiwas left their home town without his wife, she
was forced to lie to the police and tell them that she divorced him just to stay alive until she
can find a way to reunite with her husband. She finally managed to escape to Chagni when the
police came to the house and started beating her son Achenef demanding to know the
whereabouts of his father.
The other person who told me his story is Ato/Mr. Achameleh Dessie, who had lived in Bardo
for 11 years and decided to never return. He rents a small place near Bahir Dar in a small
village known as Meshenti but since he can’t afford to pay the rent any more he has asked his
relatives to provide him with a temporary shelter. He had returned to Chagni to see if he can
recover any of his properties. Unfortunately for him he had lost everything and was returning
to Baher Dar broken hearted and dispirited.
Mr. Achameleh listed all the property he had lost to me with tearful eyes as follows: many
hectares of red peppers, tomatoes, onions and different kinds of vegetables. More than 150
chickens, many cattle, 27 bee hives and crops in the silo. He estimated his total loss excluding
the 27 bee hives at roughly $101,258.00 Birr. Two other people I talked with told me similar
Origin of the Problem
In 1993 a conflict started between light skinned (Amhara) and dark skinned (Benishangul)
groups. I have tried to verify this story when I was in prison and by inquiring about it. Locals
as well as law enforcement groups have verified that the incident did take place. Since most of
the the local people were dark skinned, the light skinned were always considered Amharas. At
the time the plan was to clear the region from all Amharas. But accidentally an ethnic Gumuz
killed an ethnic Shenasha with an arrow thinking he was Amhara. Ever since that incident a
conflict between the Shenasha and the Gumuz people ensued. The conflict is said to have
ended when the Amharas in the Powi region claim to have killed the ring leader. There is no
factual evidence as to how many people lost their lives, but estimates put those killed in the
violence in the thousands. When I was taken to the Police Commission’s office for
questioning I heard a female inspector talking about her miraculous survival. So I decided to
learn more about this conflict.
I was told that every year a small number of Amharas were forced to leave because of this
incident. By 2001 in Wellega province more than 14,000 Amharas were dislocated and never
returned. In 2003, the Benishangul Gumuz region officials issued a decree ordering all
Amharas to leave the region. Many people were beaten and some were killed because they
stood up for their rights and refused to leave. For example, Fathert Amare Tessema who
served as a bishop in the Metkel zone was tortured by Corporal Belaye Adam an ethnic
Shenasha and Constable Getahune Tegenge. They used a wooden stick with nails to puncture
his ears and he died in prison from injuries related to these inhumane acts. After this incident both officers who tortured and caused the priest’s death were promoted to the rank of Major
and are still employed by the government.
Around this time 300 households came to settle in the town of Chagni. However, the District
President Mr. Yaregale Ayesheshum ordered the displaced families to return to where they
came from. Some left and some stayed. Currently Mr. Yaregale is in prison in Addis Ababa
on corruption charges.
The current problem started on June 15th, 2012 in the Metkel Zone. The District Manager Mr.
Gesesse (no known last name) and the Bulen Zone District Manager Mr. Girma (no known
last name), called a meeting with a few Amhara citizens. Then on June 21st, 2012 they
announced that all Amharas should pay their fertilizer and micro finance loans and leave the
area immediately. That announcement created chaos and some disturbance. During the
ensuing chaos the Amharas were left with no other option than to sign under duress a
document that obligated them to gather their crops and leave the area by February 7, 2013
On November 14th, 2012 the Amharas elected a representative to represent them in the
district office in Baher Dar. When the Assistant Manager, Mr. Gedu Andargachew called
Asossa office he was told that no such order came from that office. Hence, Ato Gedu told
them to return home and care for their crops and that no one is going to evict them.
When the problem began to escalate it started attracting media attention from outside the
country, On March 7th, 2013the VOA-Amharic program aired a news segment about the
forced eviction.. Father Yeshiwas were told that he will not be welcome in Bulen. Finally the
order was given to evict all Amharas by the end of March 2013 in four rounds. I had a copy of
the document with the names of 5, 200 households. The district police confiscated it from me
when I was arrested.
The refugees reported their case to various officials including the Chagni City Manager,
Guangua District Manager, Awei people’s district, Amhara district manager, Ethiopian
Human Rights Council, the Civil Right Commission, Federal Affairs Ministry but received no
response.
At the end of April 2013 close to 500 refugees in Chagni decided to peacefully protest at
which time they were arrested and the video cameras they were using to record the protest
was confiscated by the police. Some of the protestors were later released and allowed to
return to the area while some left for good.
Major Areas of Amaharas Dislocation
Even though there are problems in all the districts in Metkel zone the only one I saw was in
the Bulen Districts although even in Bulen there are problems in all its 19 districts.
1-Aygale Mozambique was very intense. I wanted to go and investigate but I was told
that they will kill me with arrows.
2-Bardo, I spent a good amount of time observing
3-Dobi, I also spent a good amount of time observing carefully 4- Bulen, I skimmed through and saw incidents there as well.
5-Apari, I did not visit at all since the districts are few

The Loss of Lives and Property
 The loss that took place is hard to verify in the few days I was there. but by just
the few looks I had and from the people I talked to, I will try to present the current problems
that are taking place and also try to separate the older problems for the current.
A. Before and After Becoming Displaced
1. Since the Amharas were supposed to be forced to leave starting in December 2012, the
children were told to stop attending school. I couldn’t guess the number of students that were
told to stop attending school but there were many children that didn’t attend school and I had
the chance to talk to their parents too.
2. A lot of houses were burned to the ground. In Aygale Mozambique district I noticed 7
homes and in Dobi I witnessed 1 house burning.
3. There was a loss of life as well. Two people were who were herding their cows were
killed with arrows. When I tried to find out their names I was arrested.
4. People were not allowed to leave with their properties, when they tried selling their cows
in the market the people in area were told not to buy them which forced the victims to dump
their stuff and flee. In some cases they were forced to sell them for very cheap. Prices. For
example a cow that is worth $ 10,000 Birr will go for $1,000 Birr. In one case I observed Ato
Waleh, a resident of Dobi District was forced to sell his commercial grain mill for $30,000
Birr. When his family returned they bought the same mill for $45,000 Birr. He also said he
left a 17 room house and when he came back everything was stolen. Another resident of Dobi
Father Asmare lost about 7,000 Kilos worth of food product.
5. Property Loss: A lot of people carried what they could and left the rest behind and when
they returned they were unable to find their belongings. For example Mr. Achame a resident
of Bardo lost about 150 chickens, 27 bee hives, many acres of vegetable garden and other
items of value. Mr. Tadele Dagnawe lost 3 of his cows and has no idea what happened to
them.
6. The refugees had to pay a large amount of money for transportation so they can leave. For
example Mr. Waleh had to pay $25,000 Birr to transport a refrigerator and some food a short
distance to Koso Ber.Many victims were price gouged by unscrupulous transportation drivers.
7. They have become victims to robbery while waiting for transportation, the farmers who
were robbed and are now in the Chagni have become homeless beggars. For example Mr.
Amogne had 11 well fed cows which he had to sell for $35,000 Birr and pay $5000 Birr for
transportation so he can leave. He was robbed of the rest of his money he had on him. 8. Families have been dispersed: a lot of families have become impoverished and have
become instant beggars. Deacon Mesfin, a local priest was robbed of 8,000 Birr and is now
working as a day laborer. According to the refugees there are about 500 head of households in
Chagni who are now day laborers.
9. Some of the refugees have become victims of physical abuse. Aba Asmare who lives in
Dobi district was beaten up and had to be taken to the hospital for medical intervention.
B-After their return, the damage and problem
1- Land takeover: A lot of the people that returned have lost their land; those who
used to rent farmland had the land overtaken by their neighbors. For example Kes
( Priest) Dawit who lived in the Bardo district for 18 years has lost 10 acres of land on
which he had paid property taxes for over 16 years. Another person Ato Amogne
also has lost 7 acres of land with various crops on it.
2- Physical attack: Ato Kenday Melkamu, a resident of Dobi along with his wife and
their son, were severely beaten up and taken to the hospital to recover from their
injuries.
3- Selling their products is problematic because some have been denied to renew
their sales license and those that go to the license office will be beaten. For example in
the Bardo district on May 2013 Mr. Habetamu went to a small diner with Mulugeta
Engeda, Getnet Eshetu, and Esubalew Shiferaw they were beaten by Officers Mebratu
Desalgne and Demera Teshele.
4- Shopping in local markets has become problematic. On April 20th, 2005 in Dobi
town Mr. Asmare’s wife was dragged from her car and was about to get hit with an
arrow when a crowd of locals screamed at the perpetrators and protected her from
harm.
5- There has been an increase in deliberate house burning and robbery of personal
properties In Dobi town for the second time, Mr. Asmare was dragged out from his
house beaten and robbed of $60,000 Birr in cash and $10,000 worth of jewelry and
then burned down his house. There are many similar cases such as Mr.Melkamu
Kinde who was robbed of $200,000 Birr and Mr. Alehegne who lived in Dobi town
and then disappeared leaving his 7 kids and 27 cows. When I was at the police station
in Bulen district an Amhara citizen got robbed of 4 of his cows and the thief was in
custody only to be let go with no charges. The victim got 2 of his cows back and lost
the other 2. He kept coming back to the station and I ended up talking to him. Finally,
after 5 days he realized he will not be getting back his cows or that the thief will not
be charged with the robbery. He decided to give up on the matter and relocate with his
2 cows to Mandura district. 1. A lot of the refugees haven’t returned. When I was walking through the
neighborhoods people will point out the empty house and name the owner. I
noticed there were many houses that were locked.
2. The Amhara women were being hassled frequently on their way to get water.
For example, Mrs. Werknesh Sewaghene and Mrs. Debre Kassaw were pysically
assaulted when they were fetching water from the Shar river near Baroda. When
they reported these incidents to the local authority they were told that “this is
Region 6, it’s not Amhara land, therefore, we will not look into Amhara cases”.
3. Cows belonging to Amharas were prohibited from grazing on grassland. For
example, in Bardo district when two local farmers one Amhara and one Gumuz let
their cows into the field, the Amhara farmer was fined $17,000 Birr by the local
authority. Other farmers have been victims of such discriminatory actions.
4. Freedom of movement for Amharas were restricted in Baroda district. They
were subjected to curfew and had to be inside their homes from 6:30PM-7:00AM
5. Psychological abuse is being used too, for example during conversations the
locals will pick up the soil and rub it in their hands and say this isn’t Amhara soil.
Other sayings being used are like: Amaras are like rootless trees; you guys are like
cattle that are sheltered temporarily that you will be thrown out one day. When I
was being held at the Dobi Police Station the policemen were looking in my
notepad and were making comments such as “these are unwanted Amharas and we
will get rid of them.” They were also saying to me that “we should hang you and
send a message to all the Amharas.” I have observed such behaviors are not
confined to the district level. The Inspector at the Region’s Police Commission
even threatened to charge me with terrorism because I am Amhara.
6. Amhara farmers were routinely denied agricultural support services, fertilizer
subsidies and loans to purchase fertilizers.
Checkpoints where Amharas were caught in Metkel Zone
In Zone 5 there are five major checkpoints where Amharas are stopped. At a checkpoint
named Kar Kella, women without any identification were sexually assaulted and the men
Amharas were forced to pay up to $1000 Birr just to go in and out. While the problems are
less frequent in other areas, the issue remains a problem at Kar Kella.
Kar Kella is a major intersection that leads to Metekel Zone, Pawi and Asosa. The people
using that road and the people that get assaulted, the numbers are very high. On May 2013 a
female traveling from Jawi didn’t have her identification on her so the guards made her spend
the night, some have even told me that she has been sexual assaulted. Mr. Temesgen in
2001was a refugee who came from Welega and resides in Jawi, his wife was traveling to
Finot Selam to check on relatives but she was pulled over at the Car checkpoint. He doesn’t
know what they did to her but she developed mental problems. I have been told that she has
been cured by holy water from Debel. On similar cases people are shot with arrow at the Dibateh checkpoint too. Also with the
recent flee two people have died and in 2012 one Amhara has died too. On most of the
checkpoints even if with the proper identification Amhara’s were not allowed to go through.
Table: Shows the checkpoint markers
Personal Stories of Three Individuals
Bishop Mesfin Asfaw
He was born in West Gojam Zone in the town of Mecha by Dagi District. 15 years ago he
moved to Benishangul Gumuz in Metekel Zone by Bulun District so that he can find a better
job and serve the Church.
During his time he has become a father to 4 kids and has acquired wealth too. Since he’s
Amhara though in 2013 he was arrested with other Amharas for two days, ever since then he
has decided to leave the town with all his life’s memory.
When priest Mesfin left he didn’t take anything with him at all, his 52 pounds of seed worth
about $32,000 Birr, his 50 room villa house worth $80,000 Birr, 18 cows worth $126,000 Birr,
3 Caddo houses worth about $15,000 birr, full house hold goods (like bed, cabinets, tables,
clothes, and more) worth about $50,000 Birr, and other items worth a lot of money have
disappeared.
Priest Mesfin now lives in Mecha District working as a day laborer to feed his family. When I
was preparing this report I met him and he said who am I supposed to ask for help and started
crying, I was very sad because there was nothing I could do to help.
Mr. Melkamu Kinde
Mr. Melkamu Kinde traveled from Amhara region to Benishangul Gumuz in Metkel zone by
Bulen district in the town of Dobi 11 years ago. During that time within the regulation of the
government he has gained wealth. During this year when Amaras were forced to flee he was
one of them and when they were allowed to return too he has done the same. A town where he
lived for 11 years he couldn’t even celebrate the holiday at his home instead he had to be in
exile.
Mr. Melkamu speaks: “The day was Easter Holiday and we had prepared a feast for our
families and close friends to enjoy. Foods are being prepared, homemade drinks are being
arranged, and people are immersed in conversations. The day passed by quickly and it was
around 8:00PM at night we haven’t even eaten dinner yet when suddenly my house was surrounded with local police like we were thieves. I got caught while running like I was a
criminal and was beaten, my wife was caught too and they didn’t show any mercy for her, and
we both remember this incident.”
They didn’t just beat Mr. Melkamu and his wife but they made sure to enjoy the holiday food
he and his wife prepared. The police also too two of his bulls and turned 1 of them into a feast
while the no one knows what happened to other one, they also took around 30 of their
chickens and no one knows what happened to them either. They also managed to trash and
destroy his place with axe and tear his cloth and belongings, this individual did no crime
except for being Amhara. At the time he reported this incident and had documentation with
him which he gave me to photocopy but I was arrested by the district police and was thrown
in jail.
Mr. Melkamu told me that on March 22nd his son was beaten so hard that he had kidney
problem and his son was spitting blood till recently, all of them have been hospitalized and
are doing well now.
Bishop Asmare Ayalew
Bishop Asmare is 58 years old and he moved to Dobi district in 1996. In 2003 he was asked
to leave the town but he refused which lead to his beating and arrest. At the same time his
pregnant wife was beaten by the police and she gave birth to a physically handicapped baby
boy with impaired eyesight. He is 11 years old unable to walk and suffering from mental
problems.
.On March 28th 2013 unidentified persons broke down their door and physically assaulted the
bishop while his wife who was returning from the local market was almost killed by an arrow
until someone stepped in and stopped the assailant. On May 4th 2013 their house was burned
by vigilantes who broke a wooden safe and stole $60,000 Birr and destroyed 700 lbs of crops.
I was told that Bishop Asmare and his family were the victims of very hateful acts and
suffered greatly at the hands of the local people they thought were their neighbors.
My Information Sources: Names and Addresses
Sorry, I have removed this part of the information
Names and rank of people who were in charge of making sure they fledPeople that came from Bulen Region for reinforcements
Others contact information
 A lot of people have faced harsh treatments just because they are of Amhara
ethnicity and there were many stories I was told of the atrocities they suffered. For example I
heard of a pregnant woman that was beaten by armed security forces giving birth to a handicapped child people who lost their homes because it was burned to the ground and
farmers who lost their land with all their crops.
The government should take immediate action to stop the discriminatory policies on Amhara
citizens before the situation gets out of hand. The recent history of Apartheid South Africa
and the Rwanda genocide where extremist Hutus massacred Tutsis and moderate Hutus
should remind us of the dangerous consequences of enticing ethnic hatred.
Since 1991, when the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Front (EPRDF) came to power
Ethiopians have been deliberately divided into two groups- the oppressor and the oppressed.
In published books Amharas are labeled as the oppressors and all other ethnic groups in
Ethiopia as the oppressed. Amharas are demonized for all historical grievances. The officially
sanctioned narrative for the last two decades has brought untold tragedy on Amharas to the
point that being an Amhara is considered a liability due to the hardships it creates for this
group.
All over the country the majority of the farmers that are displaced are ethnic Amharas and
since 1991 these internally displaced people in different parts of the country have lost large
amounts of property unfairly. The government has been complicit in all these intolerable
actions.
In 2000/2001 from Welega province more than 14,000 Amaras have become internally
displaced. Recently in Gura Fereda and Benishangul Gumuz near Kemash and Metkel regions
close to 10 thousand people have lost their homes. Even though many were allowed to return
they do not feel safe living there at present. It is disconcerting to hear about people being
targeted due to their ethnicity. It should be an intolerable and unacceptable situation in this
day and age. To me I don’t see the goal of going after a specific ethnicity; the people who live
in Bulen district will have their day when survival is a possibility.
Recently in Benishangul Gumuz in Metkel zone near Bulen, Dobi, and Bardo district this is
what I saw. In Dobi and Bardo the type of crime that’s taking place on the farmers the
government shouldn’t have kept quiet. After the refugees return to their homes, their homes
will be burned to the ground, their farm animals will be stolen, the females will be beaten up
when they go to the stream to get water and when they report these cases to the proper
officials the response they receive is that we don’t look into Amhara cases. People losing their
farm lands and being denied of renting, all these are still taking place in those districts. If I
wrote this and that person with their names I feared that those people will suffer so I have left
out some of the names to keep them safe. For these people the government isn’t there to
protect them from robbery and attacks.
Even though these Amharas lived more than 10 years in that region, those that have become
land owners are very few. Most of them rent their land from others so they can farm on it and
the others just provide their labor for others. Since they are not born in the region and are
Amhara ethnicity they are exempt from getting anything.
All their hard work can be lost in a matter of a day so there is no such thing as investing back
into the region from Amharas since they can lose everything in a blink of an eye. All their
houses, business, and belongings can be lost overnight so the only option is to save their cash
so that when they get kicked out, at least they will have cash to survive. This difficult period will become a new covenant for these people:
1. When the government can provide protection for these people and guarantee that they will
not be victims to repeated property loss and damage and that they can live peacefully in a
secure environment. in a secure in peace multiple times, also becoming a refugee or other
forms of attacks can be prevent and that the government can guarantee them this
2. When an independent inquiry commission is created to assist victims and to investigate
what happened and find ways to alleviate these types of future attacks.
3. When Amahara citizens are able to own land in any part of the country and not be
excluded from acquiring land. They should not lose their fundamental rights because they live
outside of their ethnic homeland.
If all these remedies are not instituted don’t happen there is a danger in the horizon for the
ruling party. No one chooses their ethnicity at birth. Therefore, the current hostility towards
Amhara and the unwarranted victimization needs to stop with this generation before it gets
out of control. Amharas should have the right to live and work in any part of the country
without being subjected to any form of discrimination.
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The Devaluation of the Birr: A Layman’s Guide, Part 2

August 1, 2014
Seid Hassan- Murray State University
shassan@murraystate.edu
Hitherto, I have been reluctant to post a commentary regarding the World Bank’s suggestedbirr devaluation measure which is still being debated as we speak. I was reluctant partly because my highly received 2010 commentary addressed many of the issues that seem new today and partly because I did not have (and have yet to) access to the full paper that the World Bank’s Ethiopian representatives have worked on. I decided to disseminate this commentary partly to remind concerned individuals that the predictions that my 2010 commentary has made are largely born out to be true and previous birr devaluations measures were largely ineffective. I also observed errors and misunderstandings made by commentators, bloggers and the general public regarding this issue.Ethiopian birr devaluation measure
At the outset, I agree with Mr. Lars Moller, the Work Bank’s chief economist in Ethiopia that the birr is overvalued. The main driver of the birr’s overvaluation is the country’s ongoing high inflation rates. There are indeed other contributing factors to the overvaluation of the birr, some of them being the influx of remittances and foreign aid (these latter two also being partial conduits for the massive illicit financial flows) as well as the suppressed trade and exchange rate markets- including the suppressed, battered and interfered parallel exchange market. Another way of observing the birr’s overvaluation is this: the birr is overvalued because its exchange rate exceeds what the open market would be willing to pay for it and because Ethiopia’s general price level is higher than the general price of comparable countries. This basically means that the birr would have dramatically depreciated were it allowed to float.
To see the paradoxical and weird (non-market driven) nature of the Ethiopian situation, one can look into, for example, the long-time co-existence of high inflation rates and low interest rates (and negative real interest rates.) Indeed, negative interest rates, coupled with the ruling party’s practice of credit channeling have played huge roles in impoverishing savers and transferring wealth from the general public and the nation as a whole to party-owned conglomerates and elites who have close ties with the government.
The reader needs to know that there is difference between nominal and real exchange rates. The nominal exchange rate for the birr (or any currency), is the price of birr in terms of a foreign currency. This is indicated by the birr- U.S. dollar exchange rate, which was $1 U.S. = 19.7720 birr as of July 30. 2014. Just before August 31st, 2010, the birr/dollar exchange rate was 13.6284. On September 1st, 2010 (after the official devaluation), the birr was quoted by the National Bank of Ethiopia at a weighted average of 16.3514 birr against the U.S. dollar. Given the current birr/dollar exchange rate of 19.7720, the reader can easily observe that the birr was continuously, quietly and in a stealth manner, devalued by about 21% (calculated as (19.772-16.3514)/16.3514)) since September, 2010. At the same time, annual inflation rates in Ethiopia from 2005 to 2013, respectively, were 9.95%, 12.20%, 17.25%, 43.80%, 10.57%, 8.12%, 33.00%, 23.33% and 8.07%. The reader can observe from this that the exchange rate has not been coping with the country’s inflation rates.
It is important to recognize that the above (nominal) exchange rate tells nothing about the REAL buying power of the birr or the country’s competitiveness. The real exchange rate is used to measure the buying power of the birr and the competitiveness of Ethiopia’s exports. By definition, the real exchange rate (r) is the nominal exchange rate (e) adjusted by the ratio of foreign price (Pf) to the domestic (home) price level (Ph). Mathematically, it is represented asethiopian ecomomy1Using this equation, suppose that Ethiopian the nominal birr-dollar exchange rate is 20 birr = $1 USD. With this hypothetical example, the above equation becomes:ethiopian ecomomy2If domestic prices Ph happen to be greater than prices in the U.S. (Pf), the birr would buy more in the U.S. (that is, importing U.S. goods become cheaper) than in Ethiopia, thereby making the birr real exchange rate to appreciate (for the birr to be overvalued). Assuming that Ph represents the aggregate price of Ethiopian exportable commodities, the appreciation of the real exchange rate negatively affects the country’s competitiveness.
I am assuming that Mr. Lars Moller, the World Bank’s chief economist in Ethiopia and his collaborators have done a comprehensive simulation and have carefully calculated the elasticities that satisfy the required Marshall-Lerner conditions before suggesting a devaluation measure. Having said that, I grant to anyone who may legitimately question the validity of the Ethiopian data variables used to complete the necessary calculations, which in turn make the purported simulation and calculation to be largely suspect. For example, the aforementioned simulation (calculation) would rely on the accuracy and knowledge of the country’s aggregate price levels (price indexes) relative to its trading partners, the price indexes of the country’s exportables and non-exportables, etc., and all the other conditions that I stated in my previous article to make the devaluation effective. To appreciate the problems of calculating real exchange rates in the Ethiopian context, one can look into, for example, the price of coffee, whose domestic price fetches more than the revenues it garners from its exports. Staying with coffee, one should not forget the unwise decision of the government to push specialty buyers away and force coffee exporters to sell their coffee beans through the Ethiopia Commodity Exchange (ECX). In addition to the resultant tumbling of the country’s earnings from coffee, the government’s decision to mix high and low quality beans together should have resulted in the quality of the Ethiopian exported coffee to be different from other coffee exporting countries. This makes comparing price indexes somewhat untenable.
The Marshall-Lerner (M-L) condition is as follows: even though devaluations may lead to a rise in exports, the income from exports may or may not exceed the decrease in expenditures on imports. It all depends on the responsiveness of exports to the declined birr and responsiveness of imports to the high costs of imports. If, for example, foreign demand for Ethiopian exports happens to be responsive to the birr’s devaluation (i.e., export demand is elastic), the weakened birr should result in higher Ethiopian exports. Moreover, if Ethiopian imports become highly responsive to the increased import prices (that is, imports are highly price elastic), then the weakened birr should reduce imports in a dramatic fashion. For the M-L Condition to be met (that is, for devaluation to induce a shift to greater export revenues and have any positive impact on Ethiopia’s trade balance), the combined elasticities of demand for exports and imports should be greater than one (that is, it should be elastic.) But, export and import demands may not be elastic. That is, exports and imports may not be responsive to changes in exchange rates after all. If so, the devalued birr may have a worsening effect on Ethiopia’s trade imbalances. If the weakened birr fails to change Ethiopia’s exports, real incomes from exports would decline since the birr is weaker than before. Similarly, if Ethiopia’s demand for imports is highly inelastic (that is, Ethiopia continues to buy foreign goods even though their birr prices have risen), the country’s expenditures on imports would rise, thereby worsening its current account balances, Ethiopia’s import costs would rise while export income from selling its commodities would decline. As I argued in my 2010 commentary (and as the country’s trade imbalance clearly shows), Ethiopia is a net importer. According to Professor Minga Negash, the hunger for imports in Ethiopia is high in part because of the government’s many mega projects.
Related to the M-L condition is the J-curve effect or the J-curve hypothesis, which is used explain a country’s trade balance over time after devaluation. The hypothesis says that a country’s trade balance may indeed deteriorate at the initial stage of devaluation but it eventually improves (over the long-run.) as elasticities improve. The empirical literature regarding the validity and observability of the J-curve effect is indeterminate. But, we know that the birr has been continuously devalued since 1995. The fact that there is now a renewed call for an additional and official devaluation of the birr clearly indicates that the previous devaluation measures did not work and the theorized J-Curve effect did not apply for Ethiopia.
As I indicated above, the birr has been devalued since 2010 without the World Bank’s uncalled for fanfare. The mere fact that the World Bank is suggesting another (announced) devaluation is quite puzzling, indeed, since announced devaluation measures would just add more fuel to price hike expectations and the already existing inflation rates. Could it be that the World Bank announced the devaluation measure in order to provide cover for the government to officially devalue the birr? Or, is this being done so that both Ethiopia’s creditors, foreign buyers and potential investors could hear them loud and clear that Ethiopian authorities are doing something to overcome the bad situation that the country is in? Or, could it be that Mr. Lars Moller and the World Bank have come out swinging to show that they are doing something important in Ethiopia? For what good reason has the World Bank crept into the affairs of its sister institution (i.e. IMF: monetary policy?) As I showed in my 2010 article dealing with the same issue, one of the multitude and important conditions for devaluation to be effective is for Ethiopia’s trading partners not to resort to devalue their own currencies (that is, for them to refrain from a currency war known as competitive devaluation– a “beggar-thy-neighbor” scheme . Would the World Bank provide similar advices (of devaluation) to other countries? What if Ethiopia’s trading partners complain about the devalued birr working at their countries’ expenses? How could the currency wars and the devaluation schemes be stopped? It is surprising that the World Bank inserts itself in this kind of untenable and destructive policy!
If the Bank or its representatives want to show us they are doing something important in Ethiopia, wouldn’t it be wise for Bank to focus in its purported core missions, such as the alleged reduction of poverty and promoting “shared prosperity?” Wouldn’t it be wise for the Bank to look into why its aid has fueled corruption, trapped millions of Ethiopians with a vicious cycle of poverty, created a cycle of dependency in Ethiopia, as I show elsewhere? Wouldn’t it be good for the Bank to look into how and why its aid has been highly manipulated and politicized and “used as a powerful tool of political control and repression?” How come the World Bank, as a major donor agency to Ethiopia, has been silent about the expropriation of land from peasants by powerful elites and as well as the rampant land speculation schemes? How come the World Bank kept silent until cronyism and political-party ownership of the commanding heights of the Ethiopian economy and resources has resulted in a highly corrupted resource-ownership & political structure, otherwise known as state capture? It is important to note that, my ongoing research has indicated that the new ruling elites of Ethiopia used to capture the commanding heights of the Ethiopian economy and its resources using the ill-advised privatization and economic reform scheme that the World Bank and the IMF pushed for (and took a blind eye during the entire robbing process!) That devaluation hurts the poor most is a well-known economic fact. Perhaps the World Bank is worried about Ethiopia defaulting on its loans rather than about poor Ethiopians who continuously get battered by the endless devaluation and the unbearably high cost of living. This, of course, is in contradiction to its purported core missions. Nevertheless, the Bank’s suggested 10% devaluation will be totally insufficient for closing Ethiopia huge and unsustainable trade gaps and indebtedness (assuming that it is implemented and it works.)
In any event, the fact that the authorities have decided to continuously fiddle around the country’s currency reveals that they are incapable of resolving the structural problems of the country’s economy. It also shows, sadly, that the current Ethiopian authorities have not learned that sound macroeconomic policies are the road for success and that continuous devaluation could not be a panacea for the country’s economic ills. The current talk for an official birr devaluation indicates the uncertain prospects of the country’s economy. Of course, this fact is in contradiction to the government’s position of a booming economy. Repeated devaluations measures are also indicative of the fact that previous devaluations did not work, that there is no J-curve effect for Ethiopia, as I illustrated in my 2010 somewhat lengthy commentary. Unfortunately, the Ethiopian authorities continue to do the same things, foolishly expecting different results. The continuous devaluation of the birr and this Work Bank’s suggestion to officially devalue the currency will undoubtedly exacerbate the rising cost of living in the country. The 2015 upcoming “election” would also entail more expenditures on the part of the government. Add to these the government’s decision to increase the salary of public sector workers beginning July 2014, whose real incomes have been eroded by the continuous rise in inflation rates. As is customary for the ruling party, it already has begun blaming the private business sector for the problems that the government has brought on itself and the Ethiopian people. Reports indicate that the ruling party, absurdly, has already warned or closed down over 400 shops alleging that they have raised their prices using the government announced salary increases as veiled pretexts. Moreover, the politically motivated excessive tax burdens have been forcing many domestic enterprises, particularly those which are not ethnically or politically aligned with the ruling party, to be delinquent on their tax payments. As a result, many of these enterprises increasingly have little incentive to expand their capacity, a good portion of them facing the prospect of closures. Such politically motivated measures would undoubtedly exacerbate the largelysupply-shortage-driven inflation rates and high costs of living.
Thanks to the World Bank, now that a devaluation measure is suggested (announced), the genie out of the bottle- that is, prices will rise. So, buckle-up for a hard ride, poor Ethiopia!

ትግሉን ወደ ላቀ ደረጃ ለማሸጋገር ጠንካራ መሪ ማውጣት የወቅቱ አንገንጋቢ ጥያቄ ነው!!! የአንድነት ቦስተን ድጋፍ ድርጅት

የአንድነት ቦስተን ድጋፍ ድርጅት፣ ለአመታት አገር ቤት የሚደረገዉን ሰላማዊ ትግል የሚደግፍ ድርጅት እንደ መሆኑ፣ በቅርቡ በአንድነትና በመኢአድ የሚደረገዉን የዉህደት እንቅስቃሴ በደስታና በጉጉት እየተከታተለው ነው። የአመራር አባላትን ለመምረጥ የሚደረገዉ አስደሳች ዴሞክራሲያዊ ዉይይትና ቅስቀሳ ፣ አንድነት ምን ያህል የዲሞክራሲ ባህል እያዳበረ እንዳለ አመላካች ከመሆኑም በተጨማሪም ያኮራን ነገር ነው።
የእጩ ፕሬዘዳንት ምርጫ ላይ ድምጽ የሚሰጡትና የሚወስኑት፣ አገር ቤት ያሉ፣ ትልቅ ዋጋ እየከፈሉ ያሉ ጀግኖች ወገኖቻችን ናቸው። እንደዚያም ሆኖ ግን ፣ አንድነት የሕዝብ እንደመሆኑ ፣ የአንድነት ቦስተን የድጋፍ ድርጅት የሥራ አስፈጻሚ ኮሚቴ አባላት፣ ረቡዕ ጁላይ 30፣ 2014 ዓ. ም በተጠራ ስብሰባ፣ ሰፊ እና ጥልቅ ውይይት ካደረጉ በኋላ፣ ድጋፍ ማህበሩ እንደ አንድነት ደጋፊ፣ ያለውን ሐሳብ በማጋራት፣ የዲሞክራሲያዊ ሂደቱ አካል መሆኑ ጠቃሚ እንደሆነ በመገንዘብ፣ ከዚህ የሚቀጥለውን መግለጫ አውጥቷል።
1ኛ. የአንድነት እና መኢአድ ውህደትን አስመልክቶ የአንድነት ፓርቲ ፤ ፓርቲውን ወክሎ የሚወዳደር እጩ ተወዳዳሪዎችን በመመዝገብ እና ለሕዝብ ይፋ በማድረጉ ፓርቲው ምን ያህል ዲሞክራሲያዊ እና ግልጽ ምርጫ እያደረገ ያለ መሆኑን የሚያሳይ ፤ ሊበረታታ የሚገባው በመሆኑ አሁንም በተለይ በውጭም ሆነ በአገር ውስጥ ያሉ ደጋፊዎች እና በምርጫው የሚሳተፉ የፓርቲው ተወካዮች የበለጠ ሰለ እጩዎች ግንዛቤ እንዲኖራቸው መድረክ በማዘጋጀት የበለጠ እንዲተዋወቁ ቢደረግ የተሻለ እንደሚሆን ከመጠቆም አናልፍም።
2ኛ. በአንድነት በኩል እጩ ፕሬዘዳንቶችን አስመልክቶ በፓርቲው ክርክር ተደርጎ፤ እጩ ፕሬዘዳንቶቹ ወደ ጠቅላላ ጉባዔ ሄደው ከሦስቱ አንዱ እንዲመረጥ በዴሞክራሲያዊ መንገድ በድምፅ የተወሰነ ሲሆን ፤ በፓርቲው እጩ ሆነው ለውድድር የቀረቡት እጩ ፕሬዘዳንቶች
1. ኢንጂነር ግዛቸው ሽፈራው
2. አቶ በላይ ፍቃዱ
3. አቶ ትዕግስቱ አወሉ መሆናቸውን ፓርቲው ይፋ አድርጓል፤ ይህም ዲሞክራሲያዊ አሰራር ተጠናክሮ እንደሚቀጥል ሙሉ እምነታችን ነው፤
3ኛ. አንድነት ካቀረባቸው ሦስት ጠንካራ እጩዎች መካከል የጠቅላላ ጉባዔ ተሳታፊው አንዱን እጩ ፕሬዝዳንት አድርጎ በዴሞክራሲያዊ መንገድ ይመርጣል፤ በዚሁ መስረት ኢንጅነር ግዛቸው ሽፈራው፤ ፓርቲውን ለረጅም ጊዜ በምክትል ፕሬዘዳንት እና ተጠባባቂ ፕሬዘዳንት፤ እንዲሁም አሁን በድጋሚ ፕሬዘዳንት በመሆን ለፓርቲው እዚህ ደረጃ መድረስ ትልቅ አስተዋጻኦ ማድርጋቸው ግልጽ ነው፤ በተጨማሪም ‹‹ወጣቶችን ለአመራርነት ለማብቃት›› ለመስራት እንደሚጥሩ መናገራቸው የሚታወስ ሲሆን በአሁኑ ሰዓት በርካታ ወጣቶች በፓርቲው ከፍተኛ አመራር ላይ ይገኛሉ፤ ከነዚህም ወጣቶች አንዱ አቶ በላይ ፈቃዱ፣ የአንድነት ምክትል ፕሬዘዳንት፤ የፍኖተ ነጻነት ኤዲቶሪያል ቦርድ ስብሳቢ ሲሆኑ፣ ለአመታት ፓርቲው እዚህ ደረጃ እንዲደርስ ከፍተኛ ድርሻ ይወጡ የነበሩ እጩ ተወዳዳሪ ናቸው። አቶ በላይ ካላቸው የስራ ልምድ እና አገልግሎት፣ በአገር ውስጥም ሆነ በውጭ አገር ባሉ የአንድነት ደጋፊዎች ዘንድ፣ በተለይ በወጣቱ አካባቢ፣ ያላቸው ተቀባይነት፣ ትግሉን ወደ ሕዝቡ ለማውርድ የተጀመረውን እንቅስቃሴ ፣ ትርጉም ወዳለው ደረጃ ከፍ ያደርጉታል የሚል እምነት አለን። በአሁኑ ሰዓት ተበታትነው የሚገኙትን የተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎችን በማሰባሰብ፣ ወደ ውህደት ወይም በቅርብ ተባብሮ በመስራት ደረጃ ትልቅ ለውጥ ሊያመጡ ይችላሉ ተብለው የሚገመቱ፣ በሌሎች የተቃዋሚ ፓርቲ አመራሮችም ዘንድ ከበሬታ ያላቸው መሪ ናቸው። አቶ በላይ በተለያየ ጊዜያት ለውጭው ማህበረስብ የሚያደርጓቸውን ውይይቶች በአንክሮት ስንከታትለው የነበረ ሲሆን ፣ በሚሊዮኖች ድምጽ ለነጻነት እንቅስቃሴ፣ ሐሳቡን ከማመንጨት ጀመሮ፣ በግንባር ቀደምትነት እንቅስቃሴዉን እየመሩ ያሉ፣ ብሩህ ራእይ ያላቸው፣ ለፓርቲው ብቻ ሳይሆን ለኢትዮጵያም መሪነት ተስፋ የሚጣልባቸው ወጣት አመራር ናቸው። በተለይ በአሁኑ ወቅት፣ ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የተፈጠረውን ውስብስብ ችግሮችን በሚገባ የሚረዱ እና መፍትሄ በመፈለግ አገሪቷ ከገባችበት ማጥ፣ በቀላሉ ለማውጣት ይችላሉ ከሚባሉ መሪዎች መካከል አንዱ ናቸው ብለን እናምናለን፡፡

በመሆኑም፣ የቦስተን አንድነት ድጋፍ ድርጅት ሥራ አስፈጻሚ ኮሚቴ ተወያይቶ፣ በሙሉ ድምጽ፣ አቶ በላይ ፍቃዱ ቢመረጡ ደስተኛ እንደሚሆን በአክብሮት እየገለጸ ኢንዶርስመንቱን ለአቶ በላይ በፍቃዱ ይሰጣል።
ሙሉ ባለስልጣን እና ወሳኙ አካል የሆነው የዉህዱ ፓርቲ ጠቅላላ ጉባኤ፣ ዲሞክራሲያዊና ግልጽ በሆነ መንገድ ፣ ከአቶ በላይ ዉጭ ሌላ ፕሬዘዳንት ከመረጠ፣ ድርጅታችን፣ የጉባኤውን ዉሳኔ ሙሉ ለሙሉ እንደምንቀበልና ከአዲሱ አመራር ጋር እጅ ለእጅ ተያይዘን ትግሉን እንደምንቀጥል ለማረጋገጥ እንወድለን።
አንድነት ቦስተን ድጋፍ ድርጅት ሥራ አስፈጻሚ ኮሚቴ
ቦስተን
ረቡዕ, ጁላይ 30, 2014 ዓ. ም.10523227_758965607495524_448766099872658266_n

የአንድነት ፓርቲ ሶስቱ ፕሬዘዳንታዊ እጩዎች የጋራ መግለጫ ሰጡ

ጉዳዩ፥ ከአንድነት ፓርቲ ሶስቱ ፕሬዘዳንታዊ እጩዎች የተሰጠ የጋራ መግለጫ
ውድ ወገኖች፣
የአንድነት ለዴሞክራሲ እና ለፍትሕ ፓርቲ በዴሞክራሲ ሂደትና ባህል አጥብቆ ያምናል። በአጭር እድሜው ፓርቲው አባላቶቹ በነጻነት የአሳብ ፍጭት አድርገው አሳባቸውን እንዲገልጹ በማድረግ ሶስት ፕረዚዳንቶችን ግልጽና ተጠያቂነት በተሞላበት ሁኔታ መርጧል። ፓርቲያችን መሪዎቹን የመምረጥ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ባህሉን ይጠብቃል። የፓርቲያችን አባላቶችና ደጋፊዎች የዚህ ባህል ደጋፊ ብቻ ሳይሆኑ ሐዋሪያትም እንዲሆኑ አጥብቀን እናሳስባለን።
ፓርቲያችን ከመላው ኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ድርጅ ጋር ነሃሴ 4 ቀን 2006 ዓ.ም. በሚደረገው የጋራ ጉባኤ ተዋሕዶ ለፍትኅ፧ ለሕግ የበላይነት እና ለዴሞክራሲ እውን መሆን የጀመርነውን ትግል በተቀናጀ መንገድ ለመምራት ጉዞ ከጀመረ ውሎ አድሯል።
“ነገር ግን በቅርቡ አንድነትን ወክሎ ከመኢአድ እጩ ተወካይ ጋር ተወዳድሮ የውህዱን ፓርቲ የሚመራ ፕረዚዳንት ለመምረጥ በሂደት ላይ ሳለን፣ አንዳንድ እጩዎች ባላቸው ሐሳብ ላይ ያልተመረኮዘ፣ አላሰፍለጊ ቅስቀሳዎች፣ በአንዳንድ ወገኖች ታዘብናል። ይሄን በሂደት ይሻሻላል ብለን እናምናለን። በፕሬዘዳንታዊ እጩዎች መካከል የሚደረገው ፉክክር መንስዔ የአሳብ ልዩነት እንጂ ጥላቻ እንዳልሆነ እና ሁላችንም አንድነቶች መሆናችን ለአንድ አፍታም ቢሆን እንዳንዘነጋ አደራ እንላለን።
ስለዚህ እኛ ስማችን ዝቅ ብሎ የተዘረዘረው የአንድነት ፓርቲ ሶስት ፕረዚዳንታዊ እጩዎች ይሄን ቁልፍ የሽግግር ወቅት በአስተዋይነት እና በብስለት አብራችሁን ከስኬት እንድታደርሱ በአክብሮት እንጠይቃለን።
እ/ር ግዛቸው ሽፈራው
አቶ በላይ ፈቃዱ
አቶ ትዕግስቱ አወሉ
ሐምሌ 25/2006 (Thursday July August 1/2014)10523227_758965607495524_448766099872658266_n

የተደራጁ ወንበዴዎች ለመፍጠር እየፈለጉ ያሉትን ብዥታ ለማጥራት -ከዳንኤል ተፈራ

ባለፉት ጥቂት ወራት በኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ውስጥ በጣም ወሳኝ የሆነ ስራ ሲሰራ ነበር፡፡ እሱም ውህደት ነው፡፡ የአንድነት/መኢአድ ውህደት ወሳኝና መሰረታዊ ድርድሮችን አልፎ የቅድመ ውህደት ፊርማው ከተቀመጠም ከወር በላይ ሆነው፡፡ከፊርማው በኋላ ውህደት አመቻች ኮሚቴ ተዋቅሮ በአጭር ጊዜ ነገሮችን መልክ ለማስያስ የቻለ ሲሆን ውህደቱም የሁለቱ መስራች የጉባዔ አባላት በተገኙበት ነሐሴ 3 እና 4 ይደረጋል ተብሎ ይጠበቃል፡፡
ታዲያ ከመስራች ጉባዔው አስቀድሞ ሁለቱ ፓርቲዎች በተናጠል ጠቅላላ ጉባኤ በመጥራት የውህዱን ፓርቲ ደንብና ፕሮግራም፤ ለውድድር የሚቀርብ እጩ ፕሬዘዳንት መምረጥ፣ አዲስ ስያሜ በመጠቆም እንዲሁም ሌሎች ተጓዳኝ ስራዎችን በመስራት ይጠናቀቃል፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ የተናጠሉ ጉባዔ ስራውን የሚጀምረው አዲሱን የጋራ ደንብ በማፅደቅ ይሆናል፡፡ አጠቃላይ ውህደቱን ተቀበለው የሚባለው ደንብና ፕሮግራሙን ሲያፀድቅ ይሆናል፡፡
በአንድነት ፓርቲ በኩል በምክር ቤት ደረጃና በተለያዩ መዋቅሮቹ የሀሳብ ክርክር ማድረግ የተለመደ እንጅ ብርቅ አይደለም፡፡ የሃሳብ ክርክር ሲደረግ ‹‹ተባሉ፣ ምናምን›› እያሉ የሚጮሁት ከክርክሩ ትርፍ ለመሸመት የተሰለፉ ባእድ ሃይሎች እንጅ አንድነቶች አይደሉም፡፡ ነገዳቸው የሃሳብ ክርክር ከማውቀው ጎራ ስለሆነ የአንድነት አባላት የሃሳብ ፍጭት ሲያደርጉ ይደነግጣሉ፡፡ በአንድነት በኩል እጩ ፕሬዘዳንቶችን አስመልክቶም የተለመደው ክርክር ተደርጎ፤ እጩ ፕሬዘዳንቶቹ ወደ ጠቅላላ ጉባዔ ሄደው ከሦስቱ አንዱ እንዲመረጥ በዴሞክራሲያዊ መንገድ በድምፅ ተወሰነ፡፡ የቀረቡት እጩ ፕሬዘዳንቶች ከታወቁ በኋላም ደጋፊዎቻቸው እከሌ ቢመረጥ ይሻላል የሚል ሀሳብ የማቅረብ መብታቸው የተጠበቀ ነው፡፡ እኔም እከሌ ቢመረጥ ፖለቲካውን የተሻለ ያንቀሳቅሰዋል የሚል መብት አለኝ፡፡ ይህንን መብት የሰጠኝ ማንም ሳይሆን አንድነት ነው፡፡
ሀቁ ይሄ ቢሆንም የአንድነት ወገን ያልሆኑ ስማቸውን የደበቁ ወሮበላ ተላላኪዎች ሶሻል ሚዲያውን በመጠቀም የአለቆቻቸውን ትዕዛዝ ለማስፈፀም መንፈራገጣቸው አልቀረም፡፡ ዘመቻ ከተከፈተባቸው መካከል ደግሞ አንዱ እኔ መሆኔ ፈገግ ያሰኘኛል፡፡ ብዥታውን ማጥራት ያስፈለገኝም ለምን ስሜ ተጠቀሰ ብየ ሳይሆን የሀሰት ዘመቻውን አንድምታና ከየት አቅጣጫ እንደተሰነዘረ ለመጠቆም ነው፡፡ ዘመቻው የውሸት ስሞችን በመጠቀምና ማስጃ አልባ የተቀነባበሩ ስድቦችን በማዥጎድጎድ ብዥታ መፍጠር ነው፡፡ በተለይም ስርዓቱ ምንደኛ የሆኑ ተላላኪ ግለሰቦች ‹‹አሉላ እንደገና፣ ሰለሞን ሳልሳዊ፣ የፍቅር ቃልና አፄ ልብነድንግል›› የሚሉ የተልኮ ስሞችን በመጠቀም ውህደቱ ከመደረጉ በፊት ክፍፍል ለመፍጠር ኢህአዴጋዊ ተልዕኮ ተሰጥቷዋቸው እየባዘኑ ይገኛሉ፡፡ አንድነት አበቃለት እያሉ ስማቸውን ደብቀው እንደተራበ ቁራ ያንቋርራሉ፡፡ እነዚህን ከሙታን የሚለያቸው በድን ተንቀሳቃሽ መሆናቸው ነው፡፡ ህሊናቸውን የሸጡ ርካሽ ፍጡራን ናቸው፡፡
ዋናው ቁምነገር ዘመቻው ለምን ተከፈተ የሚለው ነው፡፡ የሚጠበቅም ነበር፡፡ ዘመቻው በተለይም በእኔና ጓዶቼ ላይ የተከፈተው ስለለውጥ፤ የተቃዋሚ ጎራውን የማይናድ መሰረት ስለማስያዝና የተደራጀ ህዝባዊ ንቅናቄ ማድረግ እንደሚያስፈልግ ስለተናገርን ብቻ ነው፡፡ ስለሰራን ብቻ ነው፡፡ ስለዚህ መስራትን ደግሞ የአንድነት ልጆች ይደግፉታል እንጂ አይቃወሙትም፡፡ የሚቃወመው ሃይል ‹‹ተቃዋሚው ማንሰራራት የለበትም፤ እግር ማውጣት የለበትም›› ብሎ የሚያምነው ኢህአዴግ ብቻ ነው፡፡ የስም ማጥፋት ዘመቻው በቀጣይ አመት የሚካሄደው ምርጫ ላይ የሚኖረንን ተሳትፎና ትግል አጋጣሚውን ተጠቅሞ የመምታት ነው፡፡ እነዚህ ከላይ የተቀስኳቸው የሀሰት ስም ተጠቃሚ ባንዳዎች ሀብታሙ አያሌው ላይ ተመሳሳይ የስም ማጥፋት ዘመቻ ከፍተው ነበር፡፡ ስም በማጥፋት እንደማይበገር ሲያውቁ አሰሩት፡፡
አንድነት ካቀረባቸው ሦስት ጠንካራ እጩዎች መካከል የጠቅላላ ጉባዔ ተሳታፊው አንዱን ይመርጣል፡፡ ዋናው የሂደቱ ዴሞክራሲያዊ መሆን ነው፡፡ ኢንጅነር ግዛቸውና አቶ ትዕግስቱ ለአንድነት እዚህ መድረስ ያደረጉት ትልቅ አስተዋፅኦና የከፈሉት ዋጋ ሳይዘነጋ ነገር ግን አሁንም የእኔ እምነትና ፍላጎት ሀቅን መካድ ስለማይቻል ለአንድነት ፓርቲ አሁን ያለበት ከፍታ ላይ መድረስ በላይ ፈቃዱ ዋናው ስለሆነ፤ ትግሉን ወደ ህዝቡ ለማውረድና ከቢሮ ለማውጣት በነበረው ትንቅንቅ ላይ እውቀቱን፣ ገንዘቡንና ጊዜውን ያለ ምንም ስስት ሲሰጥ ስላስተዋልኩ፤ በላይ ፍቃዱ የሚታወቀው ሀሳብ በማመንጨትና ያ ሀሳብም ተግባራዊ እንዲሆን ሳይደክም በመስራት ስለሆነ፤ ‹‹የሚሊዮኖች ድምፅ ለነፃነት›› የሚለው ወሳኝ ህዝባዊ ንቅናቄ ስያሜ በበላይ በኩል የቀረበ እንደነበር ስለማውቅ እንዲሁም በላይ ፈቃዱ ፓርቲያችን የማተሚያ ማሽን ሊኖረው ይገባል የሚል ሃሳብ በማቅረብና በመተግበር ውጤት ያሳየም በመሆኑና በአጠቃላይ የጀርባ ሞተር ሆኖ የቆየ ውድ የአንድነት ልጅ ነው ብየ ስለማምን ለበላይ ድጋፌን እሰጣለሁ፡፡
ታዲያ ይህ ግልፅ እምነቴ በድብቅ ስሞች ስም ለማጉደፍ በሚሯሯጡ በገዥው ፓርቲ ምልምሎች በኩል የተቀነባበረ የስም ማጥፋት ዘመቻ እንዲከፈትብኝ አድርጓል፡፡ ልብ በሉ ‹‹ጦር ከፈታው ወሬ የፈታው›› ነውና በወሬኞች ላለመፈታት እንጠንቀቅ፡፡ ስም አጥፊዎቹ የአንድነት ልጆች ቢሆኑ ኖሮ እንደዘረዘሩት የሀሰት ውንጀላ አንድ ቀን አናድርም ነበር፡፡ የውሸት ስም መጠቀም ሳያስፈልጋቸው ቢፈልጉ ፕሬዘዳንቱ ጋ አሊያም የምክር ቤት ሰብሳቢው ጋ በማምጣት ባቀረቡ ነበር፡፡ አድናቆቴ ከፍ ይል የነበረውም ይህንን ማድረግ ቢችሉ ነበር፡፡ አሁንም እስከነፃነት ትግሉን እንቀጥላለን፡፡10150630_609195442498727_1046966781_n

Sunday 27 July 2014

በላይ በላይ ለምን እንበል? – ከጥላዬ ታረቀኝ አለማየሁ

ኢንጂነር ግዛቸው ሺፈራው ከሁለት ዓመታት የፖለቲካ እረፍት በኋላ የአንድነት ፓርቲ አመራር ሆነው እንዲሰየሙ ጥሪ ሲደረግላቸው ጥሪውን የተቀበሉት
‹‹ወጣቶችን ለአመራርነት ለማብቃት››
ከሚል ውስጣዊ ቅንነት ጋር እንደነበር መናገራቸው አይዘነጋም፡፡ ኢንጂነሩ ከዶክተር ነጋሶ የተረከቡት ፓርቲ ከመኢአድ ጋር የጀመረውን የውህደት ድርድር በማስቀጠልና ተቃዋሚዎች እየተዋሃዱ አንድ አቢይ ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲ እንዲመሰርቱ በመርህ ደረጃ ሲሰሩ ቆይተዋል፡፡
በእኔ እምነት ኢንጂነሩ ፓርቲውን ለመምራት የቀረበላቸውን ጥያቄ የተቀበሉበት ተገቢነት የመጨረሻው ምዕራፍ ላይ የደረሰበት ወቅት ከፊታቸው ተደቅኗል፡፡ኢንጂነሩን ለመረከብ አዲስ ፊት የሆነውና በብዙ የአንድነት እንቅስቃሴዎች የጀርባ አጥንትና ሞተር ሆኖ የቆየው በላይ ፈቃዱ ራሱን ዕጩ በማድረግ አቅርቧል፡፡
አንድነትን የአዛውንቶች ክበብ አድርገው ለሚመለከቱ የበላይ ለፕሬዘዳንትነት ራሱን በዕጩነት ማቅረብ አንድነትን የአዛውንቶች ክበብ በማድረግ ይተቹት ለነበሩ ሁሉ ፓርቲው አዲስ ጉልበት እንዳለውና መካን አለመሆኑን ያሳይበታል፡፡ከበላይ በወጣትነት የዕድሜ ክልል ከመገኘት በተጨማሪ አንድነት ወጣት ሲል ዕድሜ ላይ ብቻ የተሰፋ አለመሆኑን ወጣትነት ለአንድነት ከአዲስ የትግል መንፈስ፣ከአዲስ አስተሳሰብና ፖለቲካው ከሚፈልገው ዘመናዊነት ጋር የተቆራኘ መሆኑን ለማሳየት በላይ ፈቃዱ ትክክለኛው ማሳያ ይሆንለታል፡፡
ከቀጣዩ ዓመት ምርጫ አንጻር ቀጣዩ ዓመት አገር አቀፍ ምርጫ የሚከናወንበት መሆኑም ለሚፈጠረው ውህድ ፓርቲ ትልቅ የፈተና እና የትግል ጊዜ ይሆናል፡፡በዚህ ወቅት አባላት ከምርጫው ጋር የተያያዘ አጠራጣሪ ተሞክሮ የሌለው መሪ ማግኘት ይኖርባቸዋል፡፡በዚህ ረገድ አንድነት ላወጣው የስትራቴጂክ እቅድ ዝግጅት ከፍተኛ አስተዋእጾ ያበረከተው በላይ ውህዱ ፓርቲ ሊከተለው በሚገባው የትግል ስትራቴጂ ዙሪያ በተመሳሳይ መልኩ እምቅ የፖለቲካ አቅሙን በማውጣት አገልግሎቱን ሊያበረክት ይችላል፡፡
በላይ ለመኢአድ አባላት አዲስ መሆኑ ኢንጂነር ግዛቸው ከመኢአድ የወጡ በመሆናቸውም በእርሳቸው አመራርነት ዙሪያ በመኢአድ ውስጥ ጥያቄና ተቃውሞ የሚኖራቸው ሰዎች አይኖሩም በማለት መገመት የዋህነት ብቻ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡በላይ ፈቃዱን የመኢአድ አባላትና አመራሮች የሚያውቁት ከውህደት ኮሚቴው ጋር በቅርበት ሲሰራ በመሆኑ ለእርሱ ድምጽ የሚሰጡበት ዕድል እንደሚኖር መገመት አያዳግትም፡፡
ከሌሎች ፓርቲዎች አንጻርሰማያዊ ፓርቲ እንዲመሰረት ገፊ ምክንያት የሆኑ ሰበዞች የሚመዘዙትና ማጠንጠኛ የሆኑት ኢንጂነር ግዛቸው ናቸው፡፡ሰማያዊ ሲመሰረት የእኛ ጥያቄ የመርህ ይከበር እንጂ ፓርቲ የመመስረት አይደለም በማለትም ከሰማያዊ መስራቾች ተርታ ራሳቸውን ያወጡ አባላትም ግዛቸው ተመልሰው መንበሩን በመረከባቸው ደስተኞች አይመስሉም፡፡እነዚህን ሀይሎች በውህደትና በእርቅ ወደ ፓርቲው ለመመለስ አልያም በአብሮነት ለመስራት ከበላይ የተሻለ ስለመገኘቱ ጥርጣሬ አለኝ፡፡
በእነዚህና በሌላ ወቅት ለውይይት በማቀርባቸው ነጥቦች የተነሳ አንድነቶች ድምጻቸውን በዕጩነት ከቀረቡት ለአንዱ ከመስጠታቸው በፊት ደግመው ደጋግመው እንዲያስቡበትና ውስጣቸውን እንዲያደምጡበት እጠይቃለሁ::10523227_758965607495524_448766099872658266_n

የኢትዮጵያ አየር ኃይል በ1966ቱ አብዮት – ከሮበሌ አባቢያ

ታሪክማ ሊረሳ አይገባም
ታህሣሥ 7 ቀን 1966 ዓ.ም የነጌሌ ጦር አባሎች ለአዛዦቻቸው ላለመታዘዝ ወሰኑ። የምድር ጦር አዛዥ የነበሩት ሌተና ጄኔራል ድረሴ ዱባለ አማፅያኑን እንዲያረጋጉ በታዘዙት መሠረት የመንግሥት ልዑካን ይዘው ታህሣሥ 23ቀን 1966 ዓ.ም ነጌሌ ጦር ሠፈር ገብተው ሠራዊቱን ሲያነጋግሩ የተጠበቀውን መልስ ስላልሰጡ እርሳቸውም ከነተከታዮቻቸው ታገቱ፡፡ በ27/4/66 በአየር ኤታማጆር ሹም በጄኔራል አበራ ወልደማርያም የሚመራ የዓፄው ልዑካን ቡድን ወደ ነጌሌ ተልኮ በመደራደር፣ ታጋቾችን ሊያሰፈታ ቻለ። ነገር ግን ያድማው መነሻ ኢኮኖሚ-ተኮር ቢመስልም፣ አንደምታው በሌሎችም የጦር ኃይሎች ካምፖችም ውስጥ በመዛመቱ ምክንያት፣ መለዮ ለባሹ ለአብዮት ፍንዳታ አጋር ኃይል እንደሚሆን መሠረታዊ ለውጥ ለሚፈልጉ ተራማጅ ኃይሎች የምሥራች ሆኖ በግልፅ ይታይ ነበር።
የነጌለው አድማ የፖለቲካ አጀንዳ ይዞ ደብረ ዘይት የአየር ኃይል ጠቅላይ መምሪያ ወደሚገኝበት ብቅ አለና የጎጃሙን ተወላጅ ማስተር ቴክኒሺያን ግርማ ዘለቀን እና በሕቡእ አብረው የተደራጁትን እነ ሲኒየር ቴክኒሽያን አበበ አረጋን፣ እንዲሁም ከጎረቤት የአየር ወለድ ጦር የተባበሩለትን ባለሌላ ማእረጎችን አገኛቸው። እነርሱም ታሪክ ለመሥራት ለአብዮታዊ ተግባር ተነሱ! በዚህ ጽሁፍ ውስጥ  ዘርዘር አድርጌ እንደምገልጸው፣ ጀግናው ግርማ ዘለቀ ከፍተኛ መኮንኖችን አግቶ የአየር ኃይሉን ከተቆጣጠረ በሗላ ከንጉሠ ነገሥቱ ጋር በስልክ በቀጥታ ፖለቲካዊ ድርድር ጀመረና አስደናቂ ወጤት አስገኘ። ባላሌላ ማዕረጎች (non-commissioned officers)፣ አየር ኃይልን የሚያክል አግራዊ ተቁአም ተቆጣጥረው የፖለቲካ ለውጥ ሲያስገኙ በየትም ተነግሮ አያወቅም።
የ“እኛና አብዮቱ” ደራሲ ጠቅላይ ምኒስትር ፍቅረስላሴ ወግደርስ የአየር ኃይል መኮንን ስለነበሩ  ይህን ምዕራፍ በመጽሐፈቸው ለምን እንዳላካተቱት በመገረም ለጊዜው በጥያቄ ልለፈው።
ወደሚቀጥለው አርዕስት ከመሸጋገሬ በፊት፣ በሙስና ያልተበከሉ የወያኔ የመከላከያ፣ የደህንነተና የበላይ ከበርቴ አለቆቻቸውን በቀጥር ስር በማወወል የጀገናውን ግርማየ ዘለቀን ምሳሌ በመከተል ሰላማዊ ለውጥ ለማምጣት የበኩላቸውን አስተዋፅኦ እዲያደርጉ መማፀን ከዓላማዬ ውስጥ አንዱ ነው።
ስለዚች ጽሑፍ ዓላማ ጥቂት ልዘርዘር
አብዮቱ በየካቲት ወር 1966 ዓ.ም (18/6/66) ሲፈነዳ፣ ለብዙሀኑ ብሩህ ተስፋ  የፈነጠቀ መስሎ ታይቶ ነበር። ለጥቂት ጊዜም ቢሆን ደም ያላፋሰሰ ሰላማዊ ትግል ሂደቱ፣ “ኢትዮጵያ ትቅደም፣ ያለምንም ደም” በሚል መፈክር ዙሪያ ሕዝቡን አሰልፎ እንደ ነበር የቅርብ ጊዜ ትዝታ ነው።
በ1966ቱ የኢትዮጵያ አብዮት በቀጥታ የተሳተፍነውና በውስጡም ስንጓዝ ያጋጠሙንን ተግደሮቶችና የተከሰቱትን ሁነቶች ለታሪክ ጸሐፊዎች በማስረጃ ማቆየት የዜግነት ሞራላዊ ግዴታ ነው። እግዚአብሔር ረዢም እድሜ ሰጥቶኝ እስከ አሁን ስለአደረሰኝ በአብዮቱ ሂደት ወቅትና በፊት በመንግሥት መሥሪያ ቤቶች ውስጥ በከፍተኛ ደረጃ ላይ በሀላፊነት ላይ ተመድቤ ሳገለግል፣ ካካበትኩት የሥራ ልምድና በዚያም ሳቢያ በእጄ የገቡትን ሰነዶችና የመዘገብኳቸውን የግል ማስታወሻዎች በመመርኮዝ፣ በኔ አስተያየት ወቅታዊ ናት ብዬ ያመንኩባትን፣ ይህችን አጭር ጽሑፍ ለአንባቢ አቅርቤያለሁ።
ስለሆነም፣
  • በ1966ቱ አብዮት መዳራሻና ዋዜማ የዓፄው መንግሥት ወታደሮችና የፖሊስ ሠራዊት ወገናዊነታቸውን ለሕዝብ በማሰየት ዘውዳዊውን አገዛዝ በመገርሰስ ያስመዘገቡትን አኩሪ ታሪክ፣ የወያኔም የመከላከያ ሠራዊት፣ የፈፌዴራል ፖሊስና የብሔራዊ ደህንነት ተቋም አባላት በበኩላቸው በአርአያነት እንዲከተሉ በአጽንኦት መምከር አንዱ ዋና ዓላማዬ ነው።
  • የዛሬው የኢትዮጵያ ትውልድ፣ ከ1996 ጀምሮ ላለፉት 40 ዓመታት በእናት ሀገራችንና በህዝቦቿ ላይ ያደረሰው ውድቀት እንዳይደገም ከታሪክ በትክክል ተገንዘቦ ላንዴና ለመጨረሻ የሚደረገውን የነጻነት ዘመቻ እንዲቀላቀል አሳስባለሁ።
  • ጀግናው ማስተር ግርማ ዘለቀ እና ቆራጥ የትግል ጓደኞቹ እንደነ ሲኒየር ቴክኒሽያን አበበ አረጋ፣ ማስተር ቴክኒሽያን አየለ ኃይሌ የመሳሰሉትን ይዞና የአየር ወለድ መለዮ ለባሾችን አሰተባብሮ፣ ከሁለቱም ወገን ከፍተኛ መኮንኖችን አግቶ፣ አብዮታዊ የፖለቲካ ጥያቄ ለአፄው መንግሥት ስላቀረበ፣ የ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አክሊሉ ኃብተወልድ ካቤኔ በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ፣ የስንብት ደብዳቤ ለዓፄው አቅርቦ ደም ሳይፋሰስ በሰላም መሰናበቱንና በልጅ እንዳልካቸው ካቢኔ መተካቱን ላንባብያን ሳስታውስ፣ ምትክ የማይገኝላቸው ጠቅላይ ምኒስትር አክሊሉ ላሳዩት አርቆ አስተዋይነትና የፖለቲካ ብስለት አድናቆቴን እየገለጽኩ ነው።
በ1966ቱ አብዮት የኔን ተሞክሮ በተመለከተ በተለይ ለታሪክ ጸሐፈት የሚሆን አንድ መጽሐፍ ለማዘጋጀት ማቀዴን በዚህ አጋጣሚ እገልጻለሁ። ምክንያቱም፣ ጠቅላይ መምሪያው የሚገኝበት ግዙፍ የደብረ ዘይት አየር ኃይል ጣቢያ፦
  • ምሁራን ከአዲስ አበባና ካካባቢዋ እንዲሁም ከአውሮፓ፣ ከአሜሪካ፣ ከአፈሪካና ከእስያ እየመጡ ፣ የተወያዩበት፣ ያስተማሩበት፤
  • ፖሊሲና ፕላን የሚዘጋጅበት፤የአብዮቱን ፍንዳታ ተከትሎ ከባድ የውሳኔ ሀሳቦች የፈለቁበት፤
  • የአብዮቱን ፍንዳታ ተከትሎ ልዩ ልዩ የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች አባሎቻቸውን በሕቡእ ለመመልመል የተረባረቡበት፤
  • የአየር የአየር ኃይል ሠራዊት ተሰብስቦ የዘውድ ሥርዓትም ሆነ የወታደራዊ መንግሥት በፍፁም ስለማንፈልግ፣ ሕዘባዊ መንግሥት እንዲቋቋም የውሳኔ ሃሰብ የሰጠበት፤
  • የዳበረ ዘመናዊ ቤተ መጻሕፍት የተከማቹበት፤
  • ዘመናዊ ላቦራቶሪዎችና የጥገና ወረክሾፖች የሚገኙበት፣
  • ለ34 ለዩ ልዩ ሙያዎች የሥልጠና ፋሲሊቲ የተዘጋጀበት፤
  • የንጉሠ ነገሥቱ የከፋፍለህ ግዛው ሥርዓት ተንኮል የተጋለጠባት፤
ስፍራ ነው። በእጩ መኮንንነት ተምሬ የተመረቅሁበት፣ ያስተማርኩበት እስካ ከፍተኛ ደረጃ አዛዥነት የሠራሁበት አመቺ ስፍራ እንደመሆኑ፣ መረጃዎችን ማግኘት ቀላል ስለሆነልኝ መጽሐፉን ለማዘጋጀት በእግዚአብሔር ፍቃድ ሥራዬ እንደማይከብደኝ አምናለሁ።



ከአብዮት ፍንዳታ እስከ ወታደራዊ ደርግ ምሥረታ
አብዮቱ ሊከሰት መዳረሻ ላይ ሕዝባዊው ንቅናቄ እየጎለበተ በመሄዱ መንግሥት ተጨነቀ። ሁኔታውን ለማቀዘቀዝ የአድማ መሪዎች ከጦሩ ውስጥ ጃንሆይ ፊት ቀርበው ይቅርታ እንዲለምኑ መንግሥት መላ መታ። የጨነቀው እርጉዝ ያገባል እንደሚባለው!

ሴራው ግን አልሰራም። ከአየር ኃይል ከኔ ጭምር በርካታ መኮንኖችና ባለሌላ ማዕረጎች፣ እስከዛሬ ግልጽ በልሆነልኝ መመዛኛ ተመርጠን ኢዩቤልዩ ቤተመንግሥት ሄደን ለግርማዊነታቸው ታማኝነታችንን እንድንገልፅና በየቦታው የተፈጠረውን አለመረጋጋት እንድናወግዝ የተሰጠንን መመሪያ ለመተግበር፣ በአውቶቡስ ተሳፍረን ወደ አዲሰ አበባ (ሸገር) ጉዞ ጀመርን። ተልዕኳችን ለሚዲያ ፍጆታ የታለመ ተንኮል በመሆኑና እኛ መጠቀሚያ በመደረጋችን ነገሩ በጣም አናደደን። ወደ አዲስ አበባ እሩ መንገድ እንደተጓዝን፣ በታቀደው ጊዜ ቤተ መንግሥት ላለመድረስ፣ እቃ ረስተናል፣ ዩኒፎርም መቀየር አለብን በሚል ሰበብ ሹፌሩ ወደ ደብረዘይት መኮንንኖች ሠፈር እንዲመለስ በፈጠርነው ዘዴ ጊዜ ለማባከን ተቻለ። ዘግይተን ከቤተመንግሥቱ ስንደረስ፣ አዛዣችን ሜጀር ጄኔራል አበራ ወልደማርያም በንዴት ጦፈው ዋናው በር ላይ ጠበቁን። ሌሎች ሰዓታቸውን ጠብቀው የመጡት የምድር ጦር፣ የብሔራዊ ጦር፣ እና የፖሊስ ሠራዊት ተወካዮች የተፈለገውን የታማኝነትና የአድመኞችን ኩነና መግለጫ ካሰሙ በሗላ ዓፄው ስለአሰናበቷቸው፣ አዛዣችን ምርጫ ስላልነበራቸው በብስጭት ተቆጥተው ወደ ቤተመንግሥቱ ግቢ ሳንገባ ከውጪው አሰናበቱን።

የተፈለገውን ታማኝነት ባላመግለፃችን ረክተን ተመልሰን ደብረ ዘይት ከተማ ስንደርስ፣ ያልጠበቅነው ሁኔታ አጋጠመን። የአየር ኃይልና የአየር ወለድ መለዮ ያጠለቁ ባለሌላ ማዕረጎችና ወታደሮች ተሰባጥረው ባንክ ቤቱን አዘግተው ጥበቃውን ተቆጣጥረውታል። ትላልቅ ሱቆች ተዘግተዋል። ወደቤቴ ሄጄ ምሳዬን ከበላሁ በሗላ በግል መኪናዬ ወደቢሮዬ ሄድኩ።
ማስተር ቴክኒሽያን ግርማ ዘለቀ፣ የአየር ኃይል መሣሪያ ግምጃ ቤት ሀላፊ እንደመሆኑ የመጋዘኑን በር ከፍቶ በውስጡ የሚገኙትን የነብስ ወከፍ መሣሪየዎች ለባለሌላ ማዕረጎች (ቴክኒሽያኖች) ካስታጠቀ በሗላ፣ በርሱ መሪነት በሕቡእ ይንቀሳቀስ የነበረው ቡድን ይፋ ወጣና ደብረ ዘይት የምንገኝ የንጉሠ ነገሥቱ አየር ኃይል ከፍተኛ የአመራር ባለሥልጣናት ታግተን በተለያዩ ስፍራዎች የካቲት 18 ቀን 1966 ዓ.ም ታጎርን፡፡ የጦር ሠፈሩም ባሳሪዎቻችን ቁጥጥር ስር ዋለ። ከሻለቃ ማዕረግ በታች ያሉ መኮንንኖች ያልታገቱ ቢሆንም ምንም ዓይነት መሣሪያ ሳይታጠቁ በግቢው (ካምፕ) ውስጥና ውጪ ይንቀሳቀሱ ነበር።

ከላይ ከተጠቀሰው እገታ በሗላ፣ አጋቾች ዐቢይ የፖለቲካ ለውጥ እንዲደረግ በርካታ ጥያቄዎችን ለመንግሥት አቀረቡ። በዚህ ሂደት ውስጥ ማስተር ቴክኒሽያን ግርማ አልፎ አልፎ ከግርማዊነታቸው ጋር በስልክ እየተገናኘ ለሚያቀረቡለት ጥያቄዎች መልስ በመስጠት ይደራደር ነበር። ለምሳሌ እናንተ በአድማ ላይ እያላችሁ ሱማሊያ የኢትዮጵያን ድምበር አልፋ ብትወር ምን ይደረጋል ብለው ጃንሆይ ሲጠይቁት፣ አድማችንን በቅጽበት አቁመን ወራሪዉን በመግረፍ ይህንን የጋለ ቁጣችንን በጠላት ላይ እናበርዳለን ሲል ማስተር ቴክኒሽያን ግርማ ዘለቀ እንደመለሰላቸው ከእገታ በሰላም ከተለቀቅን በሗላ ለማወቅ ችያለሁ። እውነትም ማ/ቴክኒሽያን ግርማ እንዳለው፤ አብራሪዎች እና ቴክኒሲያኖች ስለአልታገቱ ተዘጋጅተው በተጠንቀቅ ላይ ስለነበሩ ተዋጊ አውሮፕላኖች ከደብረ ዘይት፣ ከድሬዳዋና ከአስመራ አየር ጣቢያዎች በመነሳት፣ ከሶሰተኛው ክፍለ ጦር ጋር በመተባበር ባጭር ጊዜ ውስጥ ውጊያ ለመግጠምና ጠላትን ለማዳሸቅ ይቻል ነበር።

በቁጥጥር ስር የዋልነው ከፍተኛ መኮንኖች በታሰርን በሶስተኛወ ቀን ከያለንበት ተወስደን በባለ ሌላ ማእረጎች ክበብ ምግብ ቤት ምሳ ከበላን በሗላ በአቅራቢያው ከሚገኝ አንድ ሰፊ አዳራሽ ውስጥ እንድንሰበሰብ ተደረገ። ሁለት ባለሌላ ማዕረግ ቴክኒሽያኖች፣ አንዱ ሽጉጥ ሌላው ኦቶማቲክ (ኡዚ) የያዘ ከፊታችን ቆሙ። ዙሪያውን ስመለከት ጥቁር ቱታ የለበሱ ፊታቸው ላይ ቁጣ የሚታይባችው ኦቶማቲክ መሳሪያ የታጠቁ ቴክኒሲያኖች ቆመዋል። ሽጉጥ የያዘው ቴክኒሽያን፣ እምባ እየተናነቀው አስተምራችሁ አሳደጋችሁናል፣ በማህበራዊ ኑሮም ተሳስረናል፣ አበልጆችም የሆን አለን በማለት እርምጃ ለመውሰድ የተገደዱበትን በመግለፅ ላይ እያለ ንግግሩን ሳይጨርስ፣ ከአጠገቡ የቆመው ጓደኛው ከመቅጽበት ሽጉጡን ከጁ ነጠቀውና ድራማው አበቃ። የገረመኝ ነገር ይህ ሁሉ ሲሆን ታጋች መኮንኖች ሁኔታውን ከቁብ አልቆጠነውም፡፡

ድራማው ቢያበቃም እስከዛሬ ያልተመለሱ ጥያቄዎችን አጭሮ አልፏል። ዕውን ሊረሽኑን ኖሯል? ወይስ መንግሥት የአጋቾችን የፖለቲካ ጥያቄ በአስቸኳይ እንዲመልስ ለማስገደድ? የክብር ዘበኛ አዛዠ ሌተና ጄኔራል አበበ ገመዳ የአየር ኃይልን ጦር ሠፈር በመድፍ ኢላማ ወስጥ አስገብቼዋለሁና ጃንሆይ ከፈቀዱልኝ ልምታው ብለው ፈቃድ ጠይቀው ስለተነፈጉ፣ አጋቾቻችን ሕይዎት ለማጥፋት እርምጃ ከመወሰድ ተቆጥበው ይሆን?

ጃንሆይ ምህረት የማድረጋቸውን ዜና ለማሰማት፣ ምክትል የእልፍኝ አስከልካያቸው ሜጀር ጄኔራል አሰፋ ለማ፣ የመጡ መሆኑን አጋቾቻችን አበሰሩን። ከዚያም ከአየር ኃይል ካምፕ ውጪ ጋራ በሩ ተብሎ በሚጠራው ተራራ አቅጣጫ በሚገኝ ጥቅጥቅ ባለ ቁጥቋጦ በተከበበ ገላጣ ሜዳ ላይ ታጋጆች ከፍተኛ የአየር ኃይል መኮንንኖች ብቻ እንድንኮለኮል ተደረገ። ቀደም ሲል ከኛ ጋር ታግተው የነበሩት የአየር ወለድ ጥቂት መኮንንኖች አልነበሩም። ለምን እንደሆነ እስከ አሁን ይገርመኛል።
ምን ሊመጣ ነው ብለን ስንጠባበቅ፣ የአየር ወለድ አዛዥ ኮሎኔል የዓለምዘውድ ተሰማ፣ በጥይት የተሞላውን ዝናር በወገቡ ዙሪያና ከጀርባው በትከሻው ላይ እስከ ጉልበቱ ድረስ አንዠርንጎ መትረየሱን አንግቦ ከጥቂት አጃቢዎቹ ጋር ከቁጥቋጦ ውስጥ ወጥቶ ኩስትር ብሎ ከታጋቾች ፊት ለፊት ቆመ። ነገሩ ያልጠበቅነው እንደመሆኑ ይህ ወራሪ ከጎረቤታቸን በማን ታዞ ነው የመጣብን ሳንል አልቀረንም።
የኮሎኔል የዓለም ዘውድ ወገናዊነት ከማን ጋር እንደሆነ ገና ንግግሩን ሲጀምር ግልፅ ሆነ። ግርማዊነታቸው ይቅርታ ያደረጉልን መሆኑን አበሰረን። ለሠራዊቱም በወር ሰባት (7) ብር ደሞዝ በዓፄው መልካም ፍቃድና ትእዛዝ ለመከላከያ ሠራዊት የተጨመረ መሆኑን አስታወቀን። ዝምታን ያዘለ ተቃውሞ ለጥቂት ጊዜ ሠፈነ። ከዚያ እጄን አወጣሁና ለመሆኑ ደሀው ገበሬ ከየት አምጥቶ ነው የተባለውን የደሞዝ ጭማሪ የሚከፈለን ብዬ ላነሳሁት ጥያቄ መልሱ በደፈናው ገንዘቡ አለ ከየትም ይገኛል ሆነ። ያሳፍራል! ቀጥሎም ከታገትነው ውስጥ አንዱ ኮሎኔል (ጌታሁን እጀጉ) እኛ ታሳሪ፣ እናንተ አሳሪና መሐሪ የተሆነበት ምክንያት እንቆቅልሽ እንደሆነበት አምርሮ ተናገረ። ለዚህ ጠንካራ ተቃውሞ ኮሎኔል የዘውድዓለም ምላሽ አልሰጠም፤ ታጋቾች ኮሎኔሉን በትዝብትና በንቀት ዓይን ይመለከቱት ነበር። ስብሰባውም በዚህ አበቃና ወደ ሌላ ቦታ ተወሰድን። ምንስ አጥፍተን ነው የጃንሆይ ‘ምህረት’ በአየር ወለድ አዛዠ የሚበሰርልን የሚለው ጥያቄ እስከዘሬ ድረስ በአዕመሮዬ ውስጥ ይመላለሳል።
ከኮሎኔል የዓለምዘውድ አሳፋሪ ድራማ ተላቀን ወደ ካምፓችን እንድንመለስ ተደረገና በአየር ኃይል ሠልጣኞች ክበብ አዳራሽ ውስጥ ተሰበሰብን። መልከ መልካሙ አጅሬ ግርማ ዘለቀ ብቅ ብሎ እፊታችን ቆመ። ማራኪው ቁማናው እንዳለ ሆኖ የሚያማምሩት ትላልቅ ዓይኖቹ እንቅልፍ ከማጣት ምክንያት ይመስለኛል ቀልተዋል። ግርማ፣ ከፊትለፊቱ ለተቀመጥነው ከሻለቃ እስከ ብ/ጄኔራል ማዕረግ ላይ ለምንገኝ ከፍተኛ መኮንኖች፣ ስለታሰርንበት ምክንያት እጅግ የሚመስጥ አጭር ንግግር አደረገ። ከአንድ መሪ የሚጠበቅ በሳልና ድንቅ ንግግሩንም፣ “እኛ በያዘችሁት ሥልጣን ስሩበት ብለን ተነሳን እንጂ ልንነጥቃችሁ አይደለም” በማለት ዘግቶ በሰላም አሰናበተን። ጥሪውና መልእክቱ ወቅታዊውን ሁኔታ ያካተቱ ጥርት ያሉ በመሆናቸው፣ ታጋቾች ትንፍሽ ሳንል አንዳች ጥያቄም ሆነ አስተያየት ሳንሰጥ ወደየቤታችን ሄድን። ተዳክሞ የነበረው የመንግሥት አስተዳደር ባስከተለው በደል ተነሳስተው፣ የምናዛቸው ባለሌላ ማዕረጎች የፖለቲካ ለውጥ ጥያቄ እስኪያነሱ ድረስ እኛስ ከፍተኛ መኮንኖች ምን እንጠብቅ ነበር? በበኩሌ መንፈሳዊ ቅናት ተሰምቶኝ እንደነበር አልክድም። ለውጡንም ሰላማዊ እስከሆነ ድረስ ከልብ ለመደገፍ ወሰንኩ።
መሪ ይወለዳል ወይስ በሥልጠና ይታነፃል? በኔ እምነት ግርማ ዘለቀ ከመሪነት ባሕርዩ ጋር የተወለደ ነው። በየካቲት 1966 አብዮት ያሳየው አመራረና ብስለት ካስገኘው ውጤት ጋር ሲገመገም፣ የመንግሥት ካቤኔ በሰላም ሥልጣኑን ሲለቅ በኢትዮያ ታሪክ የመጀመሪያው ነው።ይህ በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ የታየ ዐቢይ ሰላማዊ ለውጥ ነው ለማለት እደፍራለሁ። ለዚህም ድንቅ ክንውን ማስተር ቴከኒሽን ግርማና አብዮታዊ ግብረ-አበሮቹ የሚመሰገኑ ናቸው። ለዚህ አንፀባራቂ ድል፣ ታሪክ ክሬዲቱን  ለግርማና ለትግል ጓደኞቹ እንደሚሰጥ ጽኑ ተስፋ አለኝ።
የካቲት 20 ቀን 1966 ዓ.ም፣ የክቡር ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አክሊሉ ኃብተወልድ ካቢኔ የሥልጣን መልቀቂያ ደብዳቤ ለንጉሠ ነገሥቱ  በይፋ ያቀረበው ጥያቄ ከፀደቀ በሗላ፣ የዘውድ ምክር ቤት ሌ/ጄኔራል ዐቢይ አበበ እንዲተኩ ቢያሳሰብም እርሳቸው ፈቃደኛ ሁነው ባለመገኘታቸው፣ ልጅ እንዳልካቸው መኮንን ተሹመው የአክሊሉ ካቢኔ በሰላም ሊተካ ቻለ። የቀድሞው ካቢኔ በሰላም ከሥልጣን መውረድ በምእራባውያን ዲፐሎማቶች ዘንድ እንደ ሰላማዊና ደም ያላፋሰሰ ለውጥ የተወደሰና የተደነቀ መሆኑን አንድ የፈረንሳይ ኤምባሲ ወታደራዊ አታሼ ለሥራ ጉዳይ ደብረ ዘይት መጥተው ስለነበር እግረመንገዳቸውን ቢሮዬ ጎራ ብለው እንደነገሩኝ አስታውሳለሁ። ምን ጊዜም ምትክ የማይገኝላቸው፣ ክቡር ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አክሊሉ ሀብተወልድ፣ ደም እንዳይፋሰስ በማሰብ ላሳዩት በሳል አመራርና ሥልጣን ለመልቀቅ ላደረጉት ውሳኔ የላቀ ምሥጋና ይገባቸዋል እላለሁ።

ከእገታ ከተለቀቅን በሗላ፣ ሥነሥርዓትና ወታደራዊ ዲሲፕሊን በማስፈን አመራር መስጠት አንገብጋቢ ጥያቄ ሆነ። የዓፄው ሥርዓት የከፋፍለህ ግዛው ፖሊሲውን መተግበር ቀጥሎበታል። ስለሆነም ከጎረቤታችን ከአየር ወለድ ጦር ጋር መቃቃር ቀጥሏል። ሕዝባዊ እንቅስቃሴውም እያየለ ቀጥሏል። ስለዚህ ተወዳጁ አዛዣችን ብ/ጄኔራል አሰፋ ገብረእግዚ ሠራዊቱን  ሰበስበው ምን መደረግ እንዳለብት በእሳቸው መሪነት ሰፊ ውይይት ተካሄደ። እጄን አወጣሁና፣ የሀገር መውደድ የሚለካው በክንዳችን ላይ በለጠፍነው ወይም በትከሻችን ላይ በተሸከምነው ማዕረግ ሳይሆን ከእያንዳንዳችን ልብ ውስጥ ከሚመነጭ ፍቅር ነውና፣ ሕዝባዊ እንቅስቃሴውን በሕቡዕ የምትመሩት ባለሌላ ማዕረጎች በዚህ አንገብጋቢ ጉዳይ ተመካክራችሁበት አቋማችሁን በፍጥነት ወስናችሁ ውጤቱን ለአዛዣችን አስታውቁ ብዬ ሀሳብ ሰጠሁ። ታዳሚው ባንድ ድምፅ በሀሳቡ ተስማማና ያንኑ ሌሊት መልካም ዜና የሚያበስር ወረቀት ተበትኖ አደረ። ሙሉ ወታደራዊ ዲሲፕሊን ሰፍኖ፣ አዛዥና ታዛዠ ተከባበሮ፣ ሠራዊቱ በአንድነት የአየር ኃይሉን ግዳጅ በስነሥርዓት እንዲወጣ በተበተነው ወረቀት ውስጥ መጻፉ በእረግጥም አስደሰታች ነበር። መለዮ ለባሹ የተነሳለትን አብዮታዊ ዓላማ ሳይዘነጋ፣ እንደተለመደው ጢሙን ተላጭቶ፣ አጎፍሮ የነበረውን ፀጉሩን አሳጥሮ ተስተካክሎ፣ እና ንፁህ የደንብ ልብሱን ለብሶ ግዳጁን ለመወጣት ዝግጁነቱነን በተግባር አረጋገጠ።

ወደ ሌላ አርዕስት ከመሸጋገሬ በፊት ከእገታ ከወጣን በሗላ ስለተወዳጀሁት ጀግና ስለ ግርማ ዘለቀ ጥቂት ልበል።
ከእገታ ከወጣን በሗላ ግርማ ዘለቀ ልክ የታገትን እለት ማታ መኖሬያ ቤቴ ድረስ መጥቶ ቤተሰቤን  ለሠፈሩ ጥበቃ እንደተደረገ አረጋግጦላቸው እንደነበር ስለተነገረኝ አድመኞቹ በኔ ላይ ምንም ቅሬታ እንዳልነበራቸው ተሰማኝና ወዳጅነታችን ቀጠለ።
የደርግ አመራር ብቃት ማነስና የሚከተለው የሶሽሊሰት ፍልስፍና ግርማን አላስደሰተውም፡፡ ፍልስፍናው፣ ኢትዮጵያ ለምትገኝበት የፊዉዳል ሥርዓት ፈፅሞ አይሠራም እያለ አጥብቆ ይከራር ስለነበር ከትግል ጓደኞቹም ጋር ሳይቀር ከሶሽያሊስት ርዕዮት አቀንቃኞች ጋር ልዩነት ተፈጠረ።
ደርግ ግርማን የማረሚያ ቤት ሀላፊ አድርጎ በመሾም ከፖለቲካ አርቆት ነበር። አጅሬ ግን ስድቡን አልተቀበለውም፤ ወደ ሰሜን ምዕራብ ኢትዮጵያ ሄዶ ከፀረ-ደርግ ሐይሎች ጋር ለመቀላቀል ሲጓዝ ጎጃም ውስጥ ዳንግላ ሲደርስ ላስቆሙት ወታደሮች እጁን ላለመስጠት በመታኮስ ገሎ በተኩሱ ልውውጥ  እሱም ሞተ። በኔ እምነት፣ አትዮጵያም ጀግና ልጇን አጣች!!!
ፋሺስትን-አርዕድ ሸጋው አርበኛ የብቸናው ተወላጅ ደጃዝማች በላይ ዘለቀ አራዳ ጨርቅ ተራ አራተኛ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ አጠገብ ሲሰቀል፣ አንቺ ኢትዮጵያ ወንድ አይብቀልብሽ ብሎ መራገሙ ይታወቃል። የጎጃሙን ተወላጅ ጀግናውን ግርማ ዘለቀን ያ እርግማን ደርሶበት ይሆን? ጀግኖችን ከማክበሬ የተነሳ ደጃች በላይ ዘለቀን በተለይ በይፋ በጣም ስለማደንቅ፣ ባለቤቴ የፖለቲካ ሰለባ ይሆናል እያለች ትጨነቅ ነበር። ግርማ ዘለቀ ሲሞት እጅግ በጣም አዘንኩ።

ወያኔን በለስ ቀንቶት፣ በአሜሪካ ሁለንታዊ አጋዥነት፣ በጋዳፊ የጦር መሣሪያዎችን በገፍ አስታጣቂነት፣ በዓረብ ሀገሮች አመርቂ ገንዘብ ለጋሽነት፣ በመንግሥቱ ኃይለማርያም ኮብላይነት ታግዞ እናት ኢትዮጵያን ላለፉት 23 ዓመታት ለመቆጣጠርና በታሪኳ ተመጣጣኝ የማይገኝላቸው ዘግናኝ ሰቆቃዎችን በሕዝቦቿ ላይ በጭካኔ ሊፈፅም ቻለ። ይህን በተመለከተ፣ ሰኔ አንድ ቀን 2006 ዓ.ም ደብረ ማርቆስ ከተማ የተደረገው ጀግንነትና ፖለቲካዊ ብስለትን የተላበሰ አፍቃሬ-ለውጥ ደማቅ ሰልፍ፣ ለጎጃም ሕዝብ ያለኝን አክብሮት አሻቅቦታል። ጀግናው ግርማ ዘለቀና፣ በወያኔ ፓርላማ በተቃዋሚነት ተሰይሞ ለኢትዮጵያ ሉዓላዊነት ሲሟገት የነበረው አርበኛው ታላቅ ወንደሙ አድማሴ ዘለቀ (እስር ቤት ተዋወቅነናል)፣ ሁለቱም ካሉበት ሆነው ደማቁን ሰልፈ ሲመለከቱ ከፍተኛ ኩራት እንደሚሰማቸው አይጠረጠርም
ማጠቃለያ
የወያኔ መከላከያና የፀጥታ ሠራዊት፣ የማስተር ቴክኒሽያን ግርማ ዘለቀን ምሳሌ ተከትሎ፣ በሙስና የተጨማለቁትንና በቁልፍ የአዛዥነት ቦታ ላይ የተመደቡትን የአንድ አናሳ ብሄረሰብ ከበርቴ ጄኔራሎችንና ኮሎኔሎችን በቁጥጥሩ ስር በማዋል፣ ወገናዊነቱን ግፍ ለደረሰበት የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ በማሳየት፣ ታሪክ የመሥራት እድል ሳያመልጠው በፍጥነት ቆራጥ እርምጃ መውሰድ የሚያስመሰግነው ይሆናል።
የክቡር አክሊሉ ኃብተወልድን ምሳሌ በመከተል፣ ክርስቲያኑ የኢሀዴግ ጠቅላይ ሚ/ር፣ ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ፣ በሕዝባዊ አመፅ የሚጥለቀለቁበትን አይቀሬውን ቀን በማሳብ፣ ሕይዎት ሳይጠፋ፣ ደም ሳይፈስ፣ እና ንብረት ሳይባክን ከተቃዋሚዎች ጋር ቢደራደሩ፣ የፖለቲካና የህሊና እስረኞችን አለምንም ቅድመ ሁኔታ ቢፈቱና የፖለቲካውን ምህዳር ቢያሰፉ፣ ከአስከፊ ውርደት ይድናሉ። ኢትዮጵያ ሀገራችንን ግን መለኮታዊ ጥበቃ ከውድቀት ያድናታል።
ወያኔ ላለፉት 23 ዓመታት ሲግተን የነበረው የግፍ ጽዋ፣ በቆራጡ አርበኛ በአንዳረጋቸው ፅጌ ታፍኖ መታሰር ሞልቶ መፍሰስ ጀምሯልና የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ከእንግዲህ ትግዕግሥቱ ተሟጦ አልቋል።ሳይዘገይ መታረም ምርጫው የእሀዴግ ብቻ ነው!!!
ኢትዮጵያ ለዘለዓለም ትኑር!!!
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