Saturday, 3 May 2014

ሰበር ዜና- የኢትዮጵያ ጋዜጠኞች መድረክ (ኢጋመ) ፕሬዝደንት ጋዜጠኛ በትረ ያቆብ ተሰደደ

May 2, 2014
Journalist Betre Yakobከሳምንት በፊት የኢትዮጵያ ጋዜጠኞች መድረክ ፕሬዝዳንትና ምክትል ፕሬዝዳንት በአፍሪካ ህብረት ጋባዥነት የኢትዮጵያን ችግርና አፈና በተለይ በሚዲያው ላይ ያለውን ጫና እና ጋዜጠኞች ላይ የሚደርሰውን አፈና ለመግለጽ ወደ አንጎላ አቅንተው ነበር፡፡ በጉዳዩ ላይ ሰፊ ማብራሪያ የሰጡ ሲሆን ለአፍካ ህብረትም የመፍትሄ ሀሳብ ማቅረቡና ለሰብአዊ መብት ኮሚሽነሩም መልስ መስጠቱ ይታወቃል፡፡
ጋዜጠኛ በትረ ያቆብ ስብሰባው ከተጠናቀቀ በኋላ ወደ አገሩ ለመመለስ በሚዘጋጅበት ወቅት የዓለም አቀፍ የጋዜጠኛ ማህበራትን ጨምሮ ሌሎች የዓለም አቀፍ ተቋማት ሳይቀሩ እሱን ለማሰር የተደረገው ዝግጅት በተጨባጭ ማስረጃ ስላቀረቡለት መሰደዱን የነገረ ኢትዮጵያ ምንጮች ገልጸዋል፡፡ የዞን ዘጠኝ ጦማሪዎች በታሰሩበት ወቅት ፖሊስ የበትረ ያቆብን ቤት በመፈተሸ ያገኘውን ወረቀት ሁሉ እንደወሰደም ምንጮቻችን ጨምረው ገልጸዋል፡፡
ጋዜጠኛ በትረ ያቆብ አንጎላ በተደረገው የአፍሪካ ህብረት ስብሰባ ኮሚሽነሩን በግል እንዳገኛቸውና ኮሚሽነሩም በቅርቡ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ እንደሚመጡ በመግለጽ እንዲሚያገኙት ቃል ገብተውለት እንደነበር ተገልጿል፡፡ በተጨማም ከበርካታ የአፍሪካ ህብረት ባለስልጣናት ጋር ስለ ኢትዮጵያ ወቅታዊ ሁኔታና በሚዲያው ላይ ስለሚደረገው ጫና የተወያዩ ሲሆን አብዛኛዎቹ በተለያዩ መንገዶች እገዛ ለማድረግ ቃል ገብተውለት እንደነበር ከታማኝ ምንጮች ያገኘነው መረጃ ያመለክታል፡፡ በስብሰባው ወቅት ኢትዮጵያንና የኢትዮጵያ ጋዜጠኞች መድረክን ወቅታዊ ሁኔታ የሚገልጹ ጽሁፎች ለተሰብሰብሳቢዎቹ ተበትነዋል፡፡
የኢትዮጵያ ጋዜጠኞች መድረክ መቋቋም ያስፈራቸው ሌሎች የጋዜጠኞች ማህበራት በትረ ያቆብን ለሂውማን ራይትስ ዎች፣ ለሲፒጄ፣ ለአርቲክል 19ና ሌሎች የጋዜጠኞች ማህበራት ይሰራል፣ ይሰልላል፣ የእነዚህ ድርጅቶች ተላላኪ ነው፣ ሪፖርት ይጽፋል በሚል በመግለጫቸውና ‹‹የጋዜጠኞች ክብ ጠረጴዛ›› በተባለው ፕሮግራም ይከሱት እንደነበር ጋዜጠኛ በትረ ያቆብ አገር ውስጥ በነበረበት ወቅት ለነገረ ኢትዮጵያ ገልጻል፡፡
ነገረ ኢትዮጵያ / Negere Ethiopia

5 Reasons Why We Should Support Oromo Students – by Admasu Belay

For many years,
we have always
condemned ethnic
politics. It is a fact
that any form of
tribal politics is
divisive,
undemocratic and
opposes
individual rights.
However, we
must also support
people whose
culture and rights
have been
marginalized.
Group rights is
just as vital as
individual rights.
And we all know
the Ethiopian
Oromo people are
one of the most marginalized group of people. Especially their economic and linguistic rights
have been oppressed for centuries. The Amharic speaking population in Ethiopia (amaras,
gurage, tigre, mixed and probably half of the south & Oromo) is around 80% of the country.
But just because we are the majority, we should never oppress the minority languages.
First, Let us set the records straight briefly when it comes to the Oromo people. Since the
Oromo people expanded north into Shewa and Wollo in the 1500s, they have been part and
parcel of Abyssinia for centuries. History books also show us that the original native people5/3/2014 5 Reasons WhyWe Should Support Oromo Students –byAdmasu Belay | Zehabesha –Latest Ethiopian News Provider
http://www.zehabesha.com/5-reasons-why-we-should-support-oromo-students-by-admasu-belay/ 2/3
of Addis Ababa were the ancient Gurage people, not the Oromo. We also know that the
Oromo secession ideology is a fantasy that is rejected by most Oromos. (Even the first OLF
chairman Mr Dima Noggo Sarbo himself opposed secession).
But despite all of the above facts, we should not forget that the Oromo people have endured
oppression and cultural domination for many decades. We can never ignore this fact.
And it is from this lense that we should view the Oromo student protests the last few days.
The oromos know that Amharic language, society and culture dominates Addis Ababa. So
they feel like TPLF’s expansion “master plan” for Addis Ababa will harm the development
of Oromo culture and society inside Oromia villages neighboring Addis ababa.
Here are five reasons why we should support Oromo students:
1.While the idea of more urbanization is good in principle, we should ask why is TPLF doing
this today? Why now? I believe this is a divide & rule strategy by TPLF because there is an
election next year. Before the next election in 2015, TPLF is once again inciting tension
between Oromos and Amaras. It wasn’t long ago that TPLF built a breast statue in Arsi as a
symbol of hate and bitterness about the past. We should see this latest TPLF “master plan”
as another woyane tactic to divide our people.
2.When is the last time DC, los angeles or New york declared a “master plan” for territorial
expansion? Big city governments do not need to declare to get bigger. This should happen
naturally. Towns neighboring a city should benefit, not be harmed. Commercial intergration
should happen naturally, not artificially or by force. Also Big cities usually grow up vertically,
not horizontally. Knowing all of this, we should stand on the side of oromo students.
3.Another concern for Oromos is that they have no big city to develop their language and
culture without having to learn a foreign language. For example, Tigray has Mekelle, whose
demography is over 95% Tigre. And Amhara region also has big cities like Bahir Dar which is
also over 95% Amhara. But Oromia does not have any big city with majority Oromo
population. For example among Oromia cities: Addis Ababa is only 19% Oromo,
Nazret/Adama is only 38% Oromo, debre zeit/bishoftu is 44% Oromo and even in Jimma
Oromos are not real majority. So where do the businessmen, affluent and educated urban
Oromos advance their language and culture? Where do rural Oromos who want to “make it”
in the big city go to, without having to learn a non-Oromo language? They have no where. If
that is not bad enough, the towns adjacent to the capital city are now about to be absorbed
into Addis Ababa if TPLF’s plan is successful.
So when we look at the anger of Oromo students, we must put ourselves in their position.
We must have dialogue as a country so that every group in Ethiopia feels the benefits of its
Ethiopian citizenship, especially the Oromos who are the largest in number.
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http://www.zehabesha.com/5-reasons-why-we-should-support-oromo-students-by-admasu-belay/ 3/3
4.Another reason
why we should
support Oromo
students is
because the
current dispute
about Addis
“master plan” has
actually divided
EPRDF.
According to
many sources,
some mid-level
OPDO members
are openly
criticizing the
TPLF about this
master plan. We
can be assured
that TPLF affiliated businesses will benefit the most from this “master plan.” So The fact
that some OPDO members are opposing the TPLF is a good sign that EPRDF is getting
weak. The faster that TPLF/EPRDF falls, the faster democracy prevails in Ethiopia.
5.The last reason why we should support Oromo students is because we are all one people,
no matter our differences. We all have a common destiny. Real unity or genuine unity is
when we support each other in times of need. The Oromo students’ voice should be heard
even if we disagree with them. Remember: When over 200 Kinijit supporters were killed by
TPLF during the 2005 election in Addis Ababa, it was Ambo oromos who went out to
protest and many of them were killed. Even though they called us “Neftegna,” the Ambo
oromos still went to the streets in solidarity with Kinijit supporters. This is true unity.
So when we demonstrate against the TPLF regime, let us remember the Oromo students
who paid the ultimate price this week.
Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere!

አንድነት በኦሮሞ ተማሪዎችና በአምቦ ነዋሪዎች ላይ የተፈጸመውን ጥቃት አወገዘ!! – አንድነት

አንድነት በኦሮሚያ ክልልና በከፍተኛ የትምህርት ተቋማት በሚማሩ የኦሮሞ ተማሪዎች ላይ የመንግስት ሐይሎች በወሰዱት እርምጃ ቁጥሩ በውል ያልታወቀ የሰው ህይወት በመቀጠፉና ብዙዎችም ለአካል ጉዳት በመዳረጋቸው የተሰማውን ጥልቅ ሐዘን በመግለጽ ለችግሩ ዘላቂ መፍትሄ ለማበጀት መወያየት የግድ መሆኑን አስምሮበታል፡፡
በተማሪዎችና በተለይም በአምቦ ከተማ ህዝብ ላይ የተፈጸመው የመብት ጥሰት ምን ያህል መሆኑን ለማወቅ በቀጣዩ ሳምንት አንድነት የራሱን ልዑክ ወደ አካባቢው እንደሚልክ አስታውቋል፡፡በተማሪዎች ላይ ግድያና የአካል መጉደል እንዲፈጸም ያደረገ ትዕዛዝ ለታጣቂዎች ያስተላለፉ ክፍሎችም በህግ ሊጠየቁ እንደሚገባ አንድነት አሳስቧል፡፡
ህይወታቸው የተቀጠፈ፣አካላቸው የጎደለና ቤት ንብረታቸው የተዘረፈባቸው ዜጎች ተገቢ የሆነውን ካሳ የሚያገኙበት ሁኔታ በአፋጣኝ እንዲመቻችም አንድነት ጠይቋል፡፡10245296_629222183827706_5534130266258925744_n
10259995_629222177161040_5864783045872176317_n
10330239_629222240494367_7588943854168524412_n
1010858_629222200494371_7109222633184471280_n

Friday, 2 May 2014

stop killing innocent protesters in ethiopia.

Oromo students are demonstrating at Ambo, diredawa and Adama univerisits in opposing the new Addis Ababas Master plan.

According to some sources, espescially in diredawa and Ambo universities the opposition was strong. woyane officials says the master plan intends to develop addis and its surrounding areas but the proposed of the master plan is to expand the current territory of ethiopians capital by evicting and displacing thousands from their ancestral lands.

during the protest,woyene federal police opened fire against innocent oromo students have been killed at least 17 protesters.
eyewitness confirmed that at least 10 students were killed in Ambo while others were injured and jailed but the others reports confirmed the death number is more than 20..As we know TPLF continously killed peaceful protesters in the country.

we ethiopians condemen woyene government to immediately stop killing and detention peaceful protesters.



Justice for the oppressed.

Berhanu taye

Thursday, 1 May 2014

ETHIOPIA: Region-Wide, Heavy-Handed Crackdown on Peaceful Protesters

HRLHA Urgent Action
May 1, 2014
The human rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) would like to express its deepest concern over the widespread brutalities of the Ethiopian Government in handling protests in different parts of the regional state of Oromia by peaceful demonstrators. In a heavy-handed crackdown being carried out by the federal armed squad called Agazi, which is infamously known for its cruelty against innocent civilians particularly during such public protests, 16 (sixteen) Oromo students have so far been shot dead in the town of Ambo alone and scores of others have been wounded, according to HRLHA correspondents in the area. The victims of the brutal attacks were not only from Federal Police brutality in Ambo town among those who were out protesting in the streets, but also among those who stayed behind on university campuses. Hundreds of others have also been arrested, loaded on police trucks, and taken to unknown destinations.
Although the brutalities of the armed squad and the resultant fatalities happened to be
very high in Ambo Town, the peaceful protests by Oromo students of different universities and faculties have been taking place in the past couple of days in various towns and cities of Oromia including Diredawa and Adama in eatern Oromia, as well as Jimma, Mettu, Naqamte, Gimbi, and Dambidollo in western Oromia.
The Oromo students in all those and other universities took to the streets for peaceful
demonstrations in protest to the recently made decision by the Federal EPRDF/TPLF- led Government to expand the city of Finfinnee/Addis Ababa by uprooting and displacing hundreds of thousands of Oromos from all sorts of livelihoods, and annexing about 36 surrounding towns of Oromia, the ultimate goal of which is claimed to be re- drawing the map of the Oromia Region. The federal annexation plan, which was termed as “The Integrated Development Master Plan”, is said to be covering the towns of Dukem, Gelan, Legetafo, Sendafa, Sululta, Burayu, Holeta, Sebeta, and others, stretching the boundary of Finfinne/Addis Ababa to about 1.1million hectares – an area of 20 times its current size.
The Oromo protesters claim that the decision was in violation of both the regional and
federal constitutions that guarantee the ownership, special interests and benefits of the Oromo Nation over Finfinne/Addis Ababa. Similar unlawful and unconstitutional action taken at different times in the past fifteen and twenty years have already resulted in the dispossessions of lands and displacements of hundreds of thousands of Oromos farmers and business owners from around the city of Finfinne, forcing them into unemployment and day labourer.
The HRLHA has been able to obtain the names of the following students from among
those who have been shot dead, wounded, and/or arrested and taken away:
No       Name                                               Gender      University & Department
1         Falmata Bayecha                               M              Jimma, Medicine 5th year
2         Galana Ababa                                    M              Jimma, Governance 3rd year
3         Zabana Barasa                                   M              Jimma, Oromo Folklore 3rd year
4         Getacho Darajje                                 M              Jimma, Governance 3rd year
5         Isra’el Habtamu                                 M              Jimma
6         Husen Umar                                      M              Jimma
7         Ababa Kumsa                                    M              Wallagga
8         Abdisa Nagasa                                  M              Wallagga
9         Tashome Dawit                                 M              Wallagga
10        Gexe Tafari                                        F                Wallagga
By so doing, the Ethiopian Government violates the property rights of peoples, which is clearly described both in local and international agreements including the Ethiopia constitution of 1995 article 40(3). While strongly condemning the brutality of the Ethiopian Government against its own people, specifically the youth, HRLHA would like to once again express its deep concerns regarding the whereabouts as well as safety of the students who have been taken into custody in relation to this protest.
HRLHA calls up on the Ethiopian Government to immediately stop shooting at and killed unarmed peaceful protestors who are attempting to exercise some of their fundamental rights and freedom of expression; and unconditionally release the detained students. We also request that the Ethiopian Government bring to justice the security agents who have committed criminal offences against own citizens by violating domestic and international human rights norms. HRLHA also calls up on regional and international diplomatic, democratic, and human rights agencies to challenge the Ethiopian TPLF/EPRDF government on its persistent brutal, dictatorial, and suppressive actions against innocent and unarmed civilians.
RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to the Ethiopian Government and its concerned officials as swiftly as possible, in English, Ahmaric, or your own language expressing:
 Your concerns over at the apprehension hundreds of students, and fear of torture of the citizens who are being held in Ma’ikelawi Central Investigation Office and other detention centers since February, 2011 to present at different times, and calling for their immediate and unconditional release;
 Urging the authorities of Ethiopia to ensure that these detainees are treated in accordance with regional and international standards on the treatment of prisoners,
 Urging the Ethiopian Government to disclose whereabouts of the detainees and,
 Your concerns to diplomatic representatives of Ethiopia accredited to your respective countries,

አምቦ በረብሻ እና በእሳት ተቃጠለች

(ኢ.ኤም.ኤፍ) በትላልቅ የትምህርት ተቋማት የሚገኙ የኦሮሞ ተማሪዎች የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ ማድረግ ከጀመሩ አንድ ሳምንት አለፋቸው። የተቃውሞው ምክንያት… የአንዲስ አበባ አጎራባች በሆኑት የኦሮሚያ ዞኖች ሊሰራ በታቀደው መሰረተ ልማት ነው። ለነገሩ መሰረተ ልማቱ አዲስ አበባ እና አጎራባች የኦሮሞ ከተሞችን (ለምሳሌ ቡራዩ፣ ሰበታ፣ ኮተቤ) የመሳሰሉት ከተሞችን ከአዲስ አበባ መሰረተ ልማት ጋር በትራንስፖርት እና በንግድ የማገናኘት እቅድ ነድፏል። ይህ እቅድ ግን ገና ከመጀመሪያው በኦሮሚያ ባለስልጣናት ጭምር አንዳንድ ተቃውሞ ሲቀርብበት ነበር። ውስጥ ውስጡን ደግሞ፤ የአዲስ አበባ መስፋት እና ከሌሎች አጎራባቾች ጋር መዋደድ ወደ ውህደት እንዳይሄድ የሰጉ ሰዎች ነበሩ። እነዚህ ሰዎች የአዲስ አበባን መስፋፋት… የአማርኛ ተናጋሪዎች ባህል እና አስተዳደር መስፋፋት በመሆኑ መሰረተ ሃሳቡን ጭምር አጥብቀው ይቃወሙታል።
በድሬዳዋ ዩኒቨርስቲ
በድሬዳዋ ዩኒቨርስቲ
ይህ ተቃውሞ አይኑን አፍጥጦ እና አፍ አውጥቶ አሁን ይውጣ እንጂ፤ ከሁለት ሳምንታት በፊት በራሳቸው የኦሮሚያ ባለስልጣናት መካከል መከፋፈልን ፈጥሮ የነበረ ጉዳይ ነው። በዚያኑ ሰሞን ደግሞ በአዲስ አበባ እና በኦሮሚያ ውስጥ የሚገኙ የኦሮሞ ምሁራን እና ታዋቂ ሰዎች እየታደኑ ሲታሰሩ ነበር። የዚህ የእስር እና አፈና   ዜና በይፋ ባይወጣም፤ ህዝቡ ግን ውስጥ ውስጡን ሲያዝን እና ሲያለቅስበት የነበረ ጉዳይ ነው። አሁን በኦሮሚያ ክልሎች ተማሪዎች የሚያሰሙት ተቃውሞ ዋናው ምክንያት “የአዲስ አበባ መስፋፋት…” ይባል እንጂ በውስጡ ብዙ ብሶት እና ጥያቄዎችን ያዘለ ይመስላል። ለዚህም ነው በድሬዳዋ፣ በሃረር፣ በባሌ፣ በጅማ፣ በነቀምት፣ በአምቦ እና ሌሎች ከተሞች የነበረው ተቃውሞ የምኒልክን ስም ጭምር በመጥራት ተቃውሞው ይቀርብ የነበረው። በሃረሩ አለማያ ዩኒቨርስቲ ሲያሰሙ ከነበሩት የተቃውሞ መፈክሮች መካከል ቴዲ አፍሮን ያወገዙበት አጋጣሚም አንዱ ነው።
አምቦ ላይ በተደረገው የተማሪዎች ሰልፍ ደግሞ አጼ ምኒልክ ከሞቱ ከመቶ ምናንም አመታት በኋላ፤ የሳቸውን ስም እየጠሩ አውግዘዋቸዋል። አጼ ምኒልክን መራገም ወይም የቴዲ አፍሮን ኮንሰርት ማውገዝ ውሃ የማይቋጥር ተቃውሞ ቢሆንም፤ የተማሪዎቹ ሰላማዊ ሰልፎች ግን ከአዲስ አበባ መስፋፋት ውጪ የራሳቸው ብሶት… ብሶቱን ለማባባስ ደግሞ አጼ ምኒልክ እና ሌላውን ኢትዮጵያዊ (ቴዲ አፍሮን ጨምሮ) ማውገዙ እና ማግለሉ ትክክል አይመስልም።
አሁን በሀረር፣ በአምቦ እና በሌሎች የኦሮሚያ ከተሞች የሚደረጉት ሰላማዊ ተቃውሞች ወደ ጸብ እና የርስ በርስ ግጭት እንዳይቀየሩም ያሰጋል። ለምሳሌ በአምቦ ዩኒቨርስቲ ተቃውሞ ሲያደርጉ በነበሩ ተማሪዎች ላይ በተከፈተው የተኩስ እሩምታ “ከሰላሳ በላይ ተማሪዎች ተገደሉ”  ከበኋላ፤ መመሪያውን ሲያስፈጽም የነበረው ኦህዴድ ግን “የሟቾቹ ቁጥር 6 ብቻ ነው” በማለት ይከራከራል። አላማው ምንም ይሁን ምን ህዝብ ሃሳቡን በነጻነት በመግለጹ ሊገደል እንደማይገባው ሁሉም የሚስማማበት ጉዳይ ይመስላል። ሆኖም የተቃውሞውን ሰልፍ በሃይል ለመበተን የሚሞክሩት የክልሉ እና የፌዴራሉ ታጣቂዎች አምቦ ላይ ሌላም ስራ ተጨምሮላቸዋል። ከተቀጣጠለው ተቃውሞ በተጨማሪ  የመንግስት መስሪያ ቤቶች ላይ ጥቃት እየተፈጸመ ነው። አሁን ማምሻውን እንደሰማነው ከሆነ፤ በባንክ እና ሌሎች ህንጻዎች ላይ ቃጠሎ ደርሷል – ተቃውሞውም እንደቀጠለ ነው!!
የአዲስ አበባና የኦሮሚያ ልዩ ዞን የተቀናጀ ማስተር ፕላን በመቃወም በባሌ ሮቢ በትናንትናው እለት በተካሄደ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ላይ በፖሊሶች በተከፈተ ተኩስ የደረሰውን ጉዳት የሚያሳይ ምስል (ምንጭ፡ በኢትዮ ትዩብ)
የአዲስ አበባና የኦሮሚያ ልዩ ዞን የተቀናጀ ማስተር ፕላን በመቃወም በባሌ ሮቢ በትናንትናው እለት በተካሄደ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ላይ በፖሊሶች በተከፈተ ተኩስ የደረሰውን ጉዳት የሚያሳይ ምስል (ምንጭ፡ በኢትዮ ትዩብ)

Sec Kerry travels to Ethiopia: will he bring up press freedom?

by Tom Murphy
Secretary of State John Kerry is in the midst of a week-long trip to three sub-Saharan African nations: Ethiopia, Democratic Republic of the Congo and Angola. There, he will focus on security in the region, especially as it pertains to the Congo. He does not forget an obligatory stop by programs that are a part of the Presidents Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief.John Kerry at Gandhi Memorial Hospital, in Addis Ababa
But will Kerry remember to press Ethiopia on its press crackdowns when talking to them about democracy?
Last week, six members of the Zone Nineblogging collective were arrested. The bloggers have been critical of the government and its programs. Reports indicate that they are being held in a detention center in Ethiopia’s capital city, Addis Ababa.
The group stand accused of inciting public violence through social media and working foreign organizations. The actions were quickly decried by the Electronic Frontier Foundation, Human Rights Watch and the Committee to Protect Journalists. Kerry’s trip to Ethiopia is garnering attention from the rights groups.
“We hope that Secretary Kerry will recognize that peace and democracy are not compatible with censorship, intimidation, pervasive surveillance, and a crackdown on free expression and independent media,” wrote the Electronic Frontier Foundation.
The issue of press freedom is evidently on Sec Kerry’s radar. He responded to a tweet by New York Times journalist Nick Kristof regarding the recent arrests in Ethiopia.

Wednesday, 30 April 2014

የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ወጣት አመራሮችና ደጋፊዎች በዋስ እንደማይፈቱ አስታወቁ

ኢሳት ዜና :-የፓርቲውን ምክትል ሊ/መንበር አቶ ስለሺ ፈይሳንና የህዝብ ግንኑነት ሃላፊውን ብርሃኑ ተክለያሬድን ጨምሮ ከ20 በላይ አመራሮችና ደጋፊዎች ትናንት ፍርድ ቤት ቀርበው ፣ ፍርድ ቤቱ ፖሊስ ክስ እንዲመሰርት ወይም እስረኞቹ በዋስ እንዲለቀቁ ቢያዝዝም እስረኞቹ ሃሳቡን ሳይቀበሉት ቀርተዋል። እስረኞቹ “ሰልፉ ህጋዊ እውቅና አግኝቶ በመገናኛ ብዙሃንም የተዘገበ በመሆኑ ፖሊስ ህገወጥ ሰልፍ አድርገዋል በሚል ለፍርድ ቤቱ ያቀረበው ክስ ተቀባይነት የለውም ፣ በነጻም ልንፈታ ይገባል” በማለት መከራከሪያ በማቅረባቸው ምንም ውሳኔ ሳይሰጥበት  ወደ እስር ቤት እንዲመለሱ ተደርጓል።
የአመራሮችና ደጋፊዎች መታሰር በተቃውሞ ሰልፉ ላይ ተጽእኖ ነበረው ወይ ተብለው የተጠየቁት የፓርቲው ሊቀመንበር ኢንጂነር ይልቃል፣ የመንግስት አፈና ተጽእኖ እንደነበረው ገልጸው፣ ይሁን እንጅ መረጃ የደረሰው ህዝብ ሰልፉን መቀላቀሉንና ድምጹን ማሰማቱን ገልጸዋል።
“ፓርቲዎ የቀለም አብዮት ለማስነሳት እየሰራ ነው በሚል ከኢህአዴግ መንግስት ክስ ይቀርብበታል ፣ ምልሽዎ ምንድነው?” ተብለው የተጠየቁት ኢ/ር ይልቃል፣  ፓርቲያቸው ሰላማዊ የስልጣን ሽግግር እንዲኖር እንደሚፈልግ እና የቀለም አብዮት የማስነሳት እቅድ እንደሌለው ገልጸው፣ “ኢህአዴግ አገሪቱን መምራት ባለመቻሉ ግራ ተጋብቶ፣ እሱም የማይወደውን እኛም የማንወደውን እንድናደርግ እየገፋፋን ነው” ብለዋል።
ከኢ/ር ይልቃል ጌትነት ጋር የተደረገው ቃለምልልስ ከመጨረሻው ዜና በሁዋላ እንደሚቀርብ ለመግለጽ እንወዳለን።

Misplaced opposition to the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (Minga Negash, Seid Hassan and Mammo Muchie

The 1929 Nile water allocation agreement that was signed by Egypt and the United Kingdom (which excluded Ethiopia and nearly all other upper basin countries) allocated 48 billion (65%) cubic meters of water per year to Egypt and 4 billion to the Sudan. The 1959 agreement between Egypt and the Sudan raised the share to 55.5 (75%) billion and 18.5 billion cubic meters to Egypt and the Sudan, respectively. This agreement also excluded all the other upper Nile riparian nations. Egypt wants to keep the colonial-era agreements and the 1959 accord. This unfair allocation of the Nile water enabled Egypt to construct the Aswan Dam and the two countries never cared to consult the upper riparian nations. As argued by Badr Abdelatty, a spokesman for Egypt’s Foreign Ministry, Egypt wants to keep the status quo because it needs all the “assigned 55 billion cubic meters a year for vital use such as drinking, washing and sanitation needs” by 2020. This clearly indicates Egypt’s desire to secure its own Nile water-related benefits intact while at the same time denying other (Sub-Saharan) Nile riparian countries from using their own waters for alleviating poverty and enhancing sustainable development. Contrary to the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) that was formalized in 1999 that Egypt was a party to, it is now saying that any change to the colonial era agreement would be tantamount to affecting its strategic interests and repeatedly threatens to use all means available if Ethiopia continues to build the Great Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). Egypt continues to escalate the confrontation despite Ethiopia’s claim that the dam would have no appreciable negative impact on Egypt. Ethiopia, along with the other upper Nile riparian countries object the privileges that Egypt gave itself and consider Egyptian monopoly over the Nile waters as a violation of their sovereignty. In accordance to the 2010 Entebbe Agreement by the upstream countries, which included Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda and Tanzania, and now effectively Sudan and South Sudan), Ethiopia, therefore, insists on adhering to its plan and is forging ahead on constructing the dam.
In what follows, we use an amalgam of economics, history, law, security and environment factors to examine the Egyptian opposition to the construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). We try to triangulate these factors hoping to contribute to the debate and gain insight into the current tension between Egypt and Ethiopia. We attempt to make a dispassionate analysis of the water sharing problem between upstream and downstream countries. Consistent with theory and real life cases, we surmise that water has been and continues to be the cause for conflict in a number of regions in the world and, unfortunately, water wars tend to be irrational, unsustainable and economically and socially destructive. Trans-boundary water sharing and pollution (environmental-ecological) problems are never resolved through hegemonies, militarism and ultra-nationalism.
Dissenting voices against mega projects such as GERD are not new – the criticisms ranging from cost and scheduling overruns (as a recent study by Ansar, Flyvbjerg, Budzier and Lunn of Oxford University shows ), to their impacts on population dislocation, corruption, transparency in awarding of contracts, the manner in which such projects are financed, social and environmental impacts in upstream and downstream countries and water security concerns. Hence, Ethiopians may legitimately ask questions and raise concerns about the manner in which the Government of Ethiopia is handling the project. In this article, however, we focus on trans-boundary environmental problems, the fair use of the Nile water and address Egyptian concerns. This is important because the construction of GERD has reignited the long standing explosive issue of the equitable use of Nile waters. We also believe the recent (counterproductive) Egyptian threats of war and various forms of diplomatic offensives require the attentions of scholars of substance and policy makers.
Egyptian worries and aspirations over the Nile River system however is historical and goes back to the days before the formation of the Egyptian nation/state even though the issue began to dominate the country’s political landscape with the generation of militarism and ultra-nationalism (from Gamal Abel Nasser to the late President Sadat’s 1979 threat of war and to the current leaders of Egypt vowing not to lose a “drop of water).” The recent political instability in Egypt must have made the trans-boundary water sharing problem a point of political opportunism. Reports indicate that Egypt may indeed be laying the ground work to “destroy the dam before Ethiopia starts filling it with water or risk flooding Sudan’s flat eastern territories upon its destruction.” A WikiLeaks report is also known to have revealed that Egypt, in collaboration with Sudan, had plans “to build an airstrip for bombing a dam in the Blue Nile River Gorge in Ethiopia.” In its June 2013 analysis of Egypt’s military options, Straighter, a global intelligence organization indicated that the country does have military options against Ethiopia’s dam, but noted that distance will heavily constrain Egypt’s ability to demolish the work. The options, however, may include air attack from bases in the Sudan, Djibouti and Eritrea and/or sponsoring present day local “militants” to frustrate the construction of the dam. Obviously, Ethiopia is aware of the Egyptian options and its age-old aspiration to control the sources of the Nile River system. For example, on April 17, 2014, amid reports that Egypt was trying to woo South Sudan towards its dispute over Nile waters , the Voice of America reported that the President of South Sudan assured the Ethiopian authorities that the recently signed military and economic cooperation between Egypt and South Sudan would not allow Egypt to attack Ethiopia or allow subversive activities.
Egypt’s policy towards upstream countries is primarily driven by its interest on the water which aims at thriving at the misery of downstream countries, apparently without any form of substantive reciprocity. In contrast to the present day relationship between Egypt and Ethiopia, their ancestors, despite their limited knowledge of geography and hydrology, had a better understanding of the economics of water sharing. As the renowned historian Richard Pankhurst documented, the Turkish Sultan who ruled Egypt before the British, had “paid the ruler of Ethiopia an annual tax of 50,000 gold coins” lest the latter diverts the Nile. Nowadays, and not surprisingly, even the Egyptian Minister of Antiquities is against the GERD. In fact, institutional memories and abundant documents of the last sixty years indicate not only just the inconsistency, but also an immense level of damage that Egyptian foreign policy has done to Ethiopia and the Sudan. Egyptian interference in the two countries’ internal affairs has been largely driven by the Ethiopian and the Sudanese use of the Nile waters. For instance, Egypt objected the independence movement in South Sudan but promoted the separation of Eritrea and the creation of one of the most densely populated landlocked countries in the world. The international community is not unaware of these facts but Egypt’s strategic location and its pivotal role in the politics of the Middle East did not allow the powers to be to call a spade a spade. As of late, intergovernmental organizations like the African Union which were once mute about the behaviors of successive military rulers of Egypt, who often controlled political and economic power under the cover of phony elections and revolutions, have started to recognize the problems of the Nile River system. Ethiopia’s and the other upstream riparian countries’ rights to equitably share the waters of Nile is now an African agenda though key members of the Arab League continue to support the position taken by Egypt.
Ethiopia’s right to use the water that originates within itself would have included (and, in our view, should include), in addition to power-generating purposes, irrigation, water recreation and navigational services, flood control as well as water storage and supply. It is obvious, therefore, that dams provide valuable economic benefits. Just like any mega project, dams also involve several side-effects, which could be summarized as environmental and ecological, social (forced relocation of locals), economic and even political. Other concerns may include evaluating and managing the risks associated with dam construction as well as asking questions whether the product (GERD in our case) would provide the desired and needed benefits to stakeholders such as access to electricity. A reasonable framework of concern about dam construction, therefore, would include a thorough benefit-cost analysis, not just one-sided focus on the costs. This is our major concern in regards to environmentalists and some of their Ethiopian supporters who campaign against the 6000 MW dam.
The environmentalists refer to the GERD as a “white elephant,” despite the fact that the project’s leaked document, alleged to be prepared by International Panel of Experts (IPE) showing favorable financial and social benefits to Ethiopia and the Sudan. Environmentalists such as the International Rivers Network (IRN) need to, therefore, quantify the magnitude of the side effects of the project and should not rely on “covert” and “secondary” data. More importantly, rather than being the butterflies of potential conflict in the Eastern Nile region, they need to: (i) acknowledge Ethiopia’s sovereign rights to use its own resources in accordance to international law and without hurting downstream countries; (ii) identify mitigation strategies so that genuine concerns are addressed before the construction is finalized; and (iii) propose how the mitigation strategies are going to be financed. In April 2014, the California based environmental pressure group which is against any form of large dam that is proposed to be built in Africa and Asia leaked the 48 pages long confidential document that was prepared by International Panel of Experts (IPE) on Ethiopian Grand Renaissance Dam. Now that the confidential report is in the public domain, it allows everyone to put to test the concerns of both the friends and foes of the GERD.
II
The key features of the IPE’s report could be summarized as follows:- (i) unlike the options of smaller dams which would have included potential irrigation projects, GERD is an energy production project and any fear of large and permanent reduction in the flow of freshwater to downstream countries is unfounded; (ii) the filling up of the dam is planned, to be done in stages by taking into account rainfall patterns and the catchment area; (iii) both the financial and social cost-benefit preliminary analysis of the project on upstream and downstream countries are favorable and the expected damages on downstream countries are not insurmountable; (iv) the preliminary findings about the project’s side effects on Egypt is not sufficient and hence there is an information (hydrological) void, and much of the current allegations and threats are based on unfounded Egyptian fears; (v) work has progressed to the extent that, at the time of writing this article, the project has reached a degree of completion rate of 31% and the water diversion has been successfully carried out; (vi) the expected loss of water due to evaporation for the new project is not worse than what Egypt is currently losing from its environmentally unfriendly projects and poor water management; (vii) recent geological and hydrological studies have documented an abundant level of ground water in the Nile basin countries and hence downstream countries will not be thirsty if upstream countries build dams that generate electricity. It is clear, therefore, that Egypt’s no dam policy or stance against large energy producing dams in upstream countries is a misplaced opposition and therefore calls for a new thinking in Cairo.
As Professor Aaron Wolf of Oregon State University observes, there are about 261 trans-boundary rivers across the world and unless carefully handled a significant proportion of these rivers could be causes of conflict. Wolf documented that water has been the cause of political tensions between a number of countries, including but not limited to Arabs and Israelis; Indians and Bangladeshis; Americans and Mexicans, the Chinese and other downstream countries, Brazilians and Paraguayans and all the ten riparian states of the Nile River system. He observes that “war over water seems neither strategically rational, nor hydrographically effective nor economically viable.” In other words, there is little reason for a “water war” between Egypt and Ethiopia. The two countries can also learn from inter-basin development projects that are successful, such as the Colorado River Basin allocation between the US riparian states and Mexico, the Columbia River Agreement between the US and Canada and the numerous European collaborative projects and integrated river basin managements of the River Rhine. In particular, Egypt and Ethiopia could learn a lot from South Africa paying Lesotho to quench its increasing thirst from the Lesotho Highlands Waters Project. The framework for exploiting the Niger River Basin, the Zambezi River basin and the Nile Basin Initiative itself could serve as useful points of departure for cooperation.
Notwithstanding the above, Egyptian politicians often argue about “historical rights” and connect the water issue with the civilizations of the antiquities on the Nile delta and forget about the history of the formation of nations and states. Evidently this stance is self-serving in that it ignores historical tensions between black people in the region (present day Sudan, South Sudan, Niger, Eritrea and Ethiopia, among others) and the race controversy in the African origin of humanity and the history of the Nile Valley (see for example Martin Bernal’s Black Antenna, 1987; Anta Diop , among others). The politics of the Nile River system thus has an Africa-Arab dimension and hence sensitive to Pan Africanist and Pan Arabism agendas. Hence, if a conflict between Egypt and Ethiopia erupts, it is more than likely to have spillover effects on the rest of Africa.
Like most of the post colony states of Africa, modern and independent Egypt was created out of the ashes of colonialism (see for example Achille Mbembe and Samir Amin, among others). Britain’s colonial interest on the Nile dam at Lake Tana (main source of Abay/Blue Nile) is the foundation of Egypt’s historical and legal claims to the water. Britain’s interest however was primarily driven by its desire to irrigate its large cotton plantations in the Anglo Egyptian colony of the Sudan and supply its factories which were located in the United Kingdom. Modern day cotton plantations in Egypt are entirely dependent on the soil that gets exported by the river primarily from Ethiopian highlands. In a series of short articles, Dr. Yosef Yacob documented the history of colonialism in the region and indicated how Emperor Menelik (1844-1913) and Emperor Haile Selassie (1892-1975) managed to escape Britain’s colonial ambitions over the Ethiopian highlands. He also revealed how Emperor Haile Selassie was visionary in that he successfully resisted Britain’s encroachments on Lake Tana by hiring an American engineering company to construct the dam and trying to finance the project through the issuance of debt securities in the United States. In other words, had the Emperor’s wishes were realized, the GERD would have been built a long time ago. We have yet to see any reasonable criticism of Dr. Yosef Yacob’s treatise by those who oppose the construction of the dam.
The next leg of the Egyptian opposition is international law. Here too the argument collapses before it faces the scrutiny of legal scholars. Egyptian officials often refer to the 1929 colonial era agreement and the 1959 agreement signed between Egypt and the Sudan (both former British colonies) that Ethiopia was not party to and had never consented to. First, it is important to note that colonial treaties have no direct relevance for resolving Africa’s contemporary problems. The Nile basin countries have already rejected it. Thus, the dominant view is that trans-boundary assets belong to the post-colonial states and the new states have to agree how to share their jointly owned assets. Second, Ethiopia was and is an independent state and it was not a party to the 1929 and 1959 agreements. Historical records also indicate that Britain, Egypt and the Sudan conspired and excluded Ethiopia from the negotiation. In this respect, Wuhibegezer Ferede and Sheferawu Abebe, writing on the Efficacy of Water Treaties in the Eastern Nile Basin, Africa Spectrum, 49, 1, 55-67 (2014) outline two approaches that evolve from the principles of international law. The authors show the fundamental differences between upstream and downstream countries in that upstream countries (Ethiopia, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi, Kenya, Democratic Republic of Congo, Eritrea and South Sudan) appear to favor clean slate policy while downstream countries (Sudan and Egypt) favor colonial treaties. Notwithstanding the preference of one or another form of legal principle, Egypt’s insistence on colonial treaties collapses simply because Ethiopia was not a colony of Britain or indeed any other European power.
III
Now that we have seen Egypt’s historical and legal arguments falling apart, the next step is to examine the third foundation of the Egyptian stance – the environmental aspects of the dam. Previous literature indicated that carbon emissions and contaminations of rivers that cross national boundaries are examples of trans-boundary environmental problems. Hence, policy formation requires enforceable global treaties, sound national policy and the examination of advances in a number of disciplines. Furthermore, investments in big national projects such as stadiums, mineral extraction, oil and gas, canals, big dams, highways, and big architectural projects add behavioral and political dimensions to the science, technology and the economics of such undertakings. Most of the finest buildings and stadiums that host world cup games were and are being constructed in that national pride. And behavioral and emotional factors dominate financial arguments. In other words, national projects by their nature have behavioral dimensions and may not be captured by the paradigms of rationality and net present values. Time will tell whether the Ethiopian dam is different.
The mainstream literature on environmental economics focuses on welfare measurement, sustainability, technological change, externality and green accounting. The world commission on environment and development (aka the Bruntland Commission, 1987), for example, states that “sustainable development is meeting the needs of the present generation without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs”. Consistent with this understanding, the Nile River system has both trans-boundary and non-trans-boundary features for the riparian states and hence Egypt, in theory, may have a cause for concern. This concern can nonetheless be resolved through international instruments and institutions and bilateral relations that are based on mutual respect and trust. The international convention on the protection and use of trans-boundary and international lakes which was signed by nearly 40 countries does not provide the base for resolving disputes, and worse, no country from Africa (including Egypt) has actually ratified it. It nonetheless can be another point of departure. The United Nations Environmental program could also be a facilitator. Furthermore, as noted earlier, Africa has frameworks for inter-basin development. The Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) has been a major institutional development which enables all riparian states to collaborate and act as equal members. Egypt’s effort to undermine this agreement is a mistake.
Other features of the leaked report of the International Panel of Experts covers the main factors of the project. Among other things, it confirms that: (i) GERD is economically feasible; (ii) the design meets international standards, subject to minor “corrections”; (iii) the contractor is reliable and has extensive international expertise and reputation in building large dams; (iv) the environmental impact study within Ethiopia is adequate and the trans-boundary effect on the Sudan is favorable and controls flood; and (v) the section on trans-boundary effect on Egypt requires additional study using complex models and actual data rather than reliance on desk work. In short, the authors of the 48 pages-long confidential report did not say that they expect a catastrophe and the vanishing of the Egyptian nation if the project gets completed. In short, Egypt is not in any imminent danger. This conclusion has ramifications for the multilateral institutions that refused to finance the project. In summary, Egypt’s opposition to GERD is indeed misplaced. Its return to the negotiation table and the African Union and the ratification of the Nile River Basin Cooperative Framework and Convention on the Protection and Use of Trans-boundary Watercourses and International Lakes are avenues for resolving the sticky problems of water sharing.

በገንዳሆ ከተማ በህዝቡና በፖሊስ መካከል በተፈጠረ ግጭት 4 ሰዎች ተገደሉ

ኢሳት ዜና :-በሰሜን ጎንደር ዞን በመተማ ወረዳ በገንዳሆ ከተማ አንድ በጉምሩክ በኩል ውክልና ያለው የፌደራል ፖሊስ አንዱን የባጃጅ ሹፌር ” ኮንትሮባንድ ጨርቅ ጭነሃልና ጉቦ ሰጥተኸኝ እለፍ” በማለቱና ሾፌሩም “ለዚህ ለማይረባ ጨርቅ ጉቦ አልከፍልህም” የሚል መልስ በመስጠቱ ፖሊሱ ሾፌሩን ተኩሶ መግደሉን የአካባቢው ነዋሪዎች ለኢሳት ገልጸዋል።
በድርጊቱ የተበሳጨው የገንዳውሃ ህዝብ ወደ ወረዳው ፖሊስ ጣቢያ በመሄድ  ገዳዩ ለፍርድ እንዲቀርብ ጠይቋል።  የወረዳው ፖሊስ ጽ/ቤትም “ጉዳዩ እኛን አይመለከትም ወደ ፌደራል ፖሊስ ሄዳችሁ ጠይቁ” የሚል መልስ መስጠቱን ነዋሪዎች ተናግረዋል።
ህዝቡ ወደ ፌደራል ፖሊስ ጽ/ቤት በሚሄድበት ጊዜ ፣ ፖሊሶች በከፈቱት ተኩስ 3 ሰዎች ወዲያውኑ ሲገደሉ፣ 3 ሰዎች ደግሞ በጽኑ ቆስለው ወደ ጎንደር ሆስፒታል ተወስደዋል።
ውጥረቱ አሁንም እንዳለ ሲሆን፣ የአካባቢው  ህዝብ በነገው እለት ተቃውሞ ለማድረግ እየተዘጋጀ መሆኑን ነዋሪዎች ለኢሳት ገልጸዋል
በጉዳዩ ዙሪያ የወረዳውን ፖሊስ ለማነጋገር ያደረግነው ሙከራ አልተሳካም።

ከዛሬ ጀመሮ የዞን ዘጠኝ ኩሩ አባል መሆኔን አረጋግጣለሁ – ግርማ ካሳ

ርዮት አለሙ፣ እስክንድር ነጋ፣ በቀለ ገርባ …….እያልን ስሞችን መዘርዘር እንችላለን። በብዙ ሺሆች የሚቆጠሩ ዜጎች ሕገ ወጥና ኢፍትሃዊ በሆነ መንገድ የታሰሩ ወገኖቻችን፣ ከእሥር እንዲፈቱ ስንጠብቅ ፣ ሌሎች እየተጨመሩ ነው። ከቃሊት ዉጭ ሆነው እነ ርዪትን ሲጎበኙ የነበሩ አሁን እነ ርዮት አለሙን እየተቀላቀሉ ነው።
ዞን ዘጠኞች ፣ እነ ጋዜጠኛ ተስፋአለም፣ የሚጽፉትን ፣ የሚጦምሩትን እኛም አንብበነዋል። በድብቅና በሚስጠር አልነበረም ሃሳባቸውን ሲያካፍሉን የነበሩት። የኛ አካል ናቸው። እነማን እንደሆኑ እናውቃቸዋለን። የታሰሩት ወንጀል ስለፈጸሙ አይደለም። ሕግን ስለጣሱ አይደለም። ወንጀላቸው አገራቸውን መዉደዳቸው ነው። ወንጀላቸው ለፍትህ መቆማቸው ነው። ወንጀላቸው ዶር መራራ ጉዲና እንዳሉት፣ ከጫካ የወጡ ግን ጫካ ከነርሱ ያልወጣ፣ ከበስተጀርባ ሆነው እነ ኃይለማሪያም ደሳለኝ እያዘዙ የሚፈልጡና የሚቆርጡ፣ ከሕግ በላይ የሁኑና ለሕግ ደንታ የሌላቸው፣ ጥቂቶች እንዲጽፉ የማይፈልጉት ስለጻፉ ነው። «እነዚህን የሳይበር ስፔስ አርበኞች ልክ ብናገባቸው፣ ሌሎችም ፈርተው አርፈው ይቀመጣሉ» የሚል የተሳሳተና እንጭጭ አስተሳሰብ ስላላቸው ነው።
እንግዲህ ጥያቄዉ «የኛ ምላሽ ምንድነ ነው የሚሆነው ? » የሚለው ነዉ። የአለም አቀፍ ድርጅቶች፣ በግለሰብ ደረጃ በርካታ ኢትዮጵያዊያን የተሰማንን ሐዘንና ንዴት ገልጸናል። ተገቢም ነው።
ነገር ግን ከዚያ አልፈን መሄድ መቻል ያለብን ይመስለኛል። አገዛዙ ዋና ግቡ እኛን ተስፋ ማስቆረጥ ነው። ገዛ ተጋሩ በሚባል የፓልቶክ ክፍል አንዲት የአገዛዙ ካድሬ ትሁን ደጋፊ፣ አገዛዙ ላይ ችግር ያለንን ሰዎች »ፓፕ ኮርኖች» (ፈንድሻውች) ነበር ያለችን። ለጊዜ ቡፍ ብለን ጸጥ የምንል !!!!!!
እንግዲህ ምርጫዉ የኛ ነው። እኛ ሚሊዮኖች ነን። እነርሱ ጥቂቶች ናቸው። እኛ ፍቅርን ፣ ሰላምን፣ እኩልነትን አንድነት እንፈልጋለን። እነርሱ ዘረኝነትን፣ ጭካኔን፣ ግፍን፣ መከፋፈልን ይሰብካሉ። እኛ አገራችን በፍቅር እንገባ እንላለን። እነርሱ ግን «እኛ ስልጣን ላይ እንቅይ እንጂ አገር ብትፈልግ ትፈራርስ» ይላሉ። እኛ የዘር፣ የሃይማኖት የጾታ፣ የእድሜ ልዩነት ሳይኖር እያንዳንዱን ዜጋ፣ አዎ ከጠ/ሚኒስተሩ ጀመሮ እስከ ሊስትሮዉ ፣ በስብእናዉና በኢትዮጵያዊነቱ የከበረ ነው እንላለን። እነርሱን ግን« ሁሉንም አዋቂዎች፣ ፖሊሱም ፣አቃቢ ሕጉም፣ ዳኛዉም፣ ሕግ አውጭዉም፣ ሕግ አስፈጻሚዉም፣ ኢኮኖሚስቱም፣ ኢንጂነሩም እኛ ብቻ ነን። ሌላዉ ከጫማችን በታች ተረግጦ መቀመጥ ነው ያለበት» ይላሉ።
እንግዲህ ምርጫው የኛ ነው። እንደ እንስሳ አንገታችን ላይ ማነቆ ታስሮ፣ ጥቂቶች እየጎተቱን እና እንደፈለገ እየተጫወቱበን መኖር፣ ወይም ነጻነታችንን ማወጅ። ዝም ብለን ለጊዜው ብቻ የምንጮህ ፓፕኮርኖች መሆን ወይም አለትን የሚሰባብር ዳይናሚት መሆን። እነርሱ እንደሚፈልጉትና እንደሚመኙት፣ ዝምታን መርጠን፣ አፋችን ዘግተን መቀመጥ፣ ወይም ዳግማዊ ዞን ዘጠኖች በመሆን የዞን ዘጠኝ አባላት ቁጥርን ከስድስት፣ ወደ 6 ፣ ስድሳ ሚሊዮን ማሳደግ። የናንተን አላውቅም እኔ ግን፣ ከዛሬ ጀመሮ የዞን ዘጠኝ ኩሩ አባል መሆኔን አረጋግጣለሁ።
መርዛማ እባብ ከመንደፍ ዉጭ፣ ሌላ ነገር አያውቅም። እነርሱም ማሰር እንጂ መፍታት አያውቁም። ዜጎችን ማሸበር እንጂ ማረጋጋት አያውቁም። ኢትዮጵያዉያንን ማዋረድ እንጂ ማክበር አያውቁም። ይህ ለሃያ አመታት የዘለቀ ግፍ አንድ ቦታ ላይ መቆም አለበት። አሁን መቆም አለበት። ሊያስቆሙት የሚችሉት ደግሞ እነ ጆን ኬሪ አይደሉም። እኛ ብቻ ነን።
ሚያዚያ 26 (ሜይ 3 ቀን) በአንድነት ፓርቲ የተዘጋጀ የእሪታ ቀን ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ በአዲስ አበባ ይደረጋል። ከብዙ ግፊትና ትግል በኋላ አስተዳደሩ ለሰልፉ እውቅና ሰጧል። ሰልፉ ሰላማዊና ሕጋዊ ሰልፍ ነው። የምንፈራበትም፣ የምንሸሽበት ምንም ምክንያት የለም። ሰልፍ የምንወጣዉ ለፖለቲከኞች ወይንም ለአንድ ፓርቲ ፣ ወይንም ለሌሎች አይደለም። ሰልፍ የምንወጣው ለራሳችን ስንል ነው። «በአዲስ አበባ እድገት አለ። ዴሞክራሲ አለ። ስርዓቱ መቀጠል አለበት። ኢሕአዴ ጥሩ እያደረገ ነው። የታሰሩትም መታሰራቸው ተገቢ ነው» የሚሉ እነ ሚሚ ስብሀቱ ሰልፍ ባይወጡ ብዙ አያስገርምም። ግን በልባችን ለውጥ እየፈለግን፣ መሰረታዊ የመብትና የኢኮኖሚ ጥያቄዎች እያሉን፣ ዝምታን ከመረጥን ግን፣ ይሄን የሚያዚያ 26ቱን ሰልፍ እንደ አንድ መድረክ ተጠቅመን ድምጻችንን ማሰማት ካቃተን ግን፣ ታዲያ እንዴት እንዘልቀዋለን ?
እንግዲህ ከሚሊዮኖች አንዱ እንሁ እላለሁ። እንዉጣ። ድምጻችንን እናሰማ። መብታችንን እናስከበር። የሕዝብ ጉልበትና አቅም ምን ማለት እንደሆነ እናሳይ። ለታሰሩ አጋርነታችንን እንግለጽ። ስድስት ዞን ዘጠኖች ቢታሰሩ ሚሊዮኖች እንደተወለዱ እናስመስክር።
እመኑኝ የሕዝብን ጉልበት ሊቋቋም የሚችል ማንም ኃይል የለም !!!!!!